Social Sciences Political Science and International Relations

Military and Defense Studies

Description

This cluster of papers explores the rise of the privatized military industry, the outsourcing of war and security functions, the impact on international law and civil-military relations, and the challenges and opportunities in global governance and peacekeeping operations.

Keywords

Privatized Military Industry; Private Security Companies; Outsourcing War; Government Privatization; Military Contractors; International Law; Homeland Security; Global Governance; Civil-Military Relations; Peacekeeping Operations

1. Introduction Part I. Coercive Strategy Making: 2. The theory of coercion 3. Coercive Mechanisms 4. Coercive instruments Part II. The Context of Coercion Today: 5. Domestic politics and coercion … 1. Introduction Part I. Coercive Strategy Making: 2. The theory of coercion 3. Coercive Mechanisms 4. Coercive instruments Part II. The Context of Coercion Today: 5. Domestic politics and coercion 6. Coercion and coalitions 7. Humanitarian coercion and non-state actors 8. Weapons of mass destruction and US coercion Part III. The Future of US Coercion.
Meet USA, the world's most powerful mercenary firm. Based in the wilderness of North Carolina, it is the fastest-growing private army on the planet with forces capable of carrying out … Meet USA, the world's most powerful mercenary firm. Based in the wilderness of North Carolina, it is the fastest-growing private army on the planet with forces capable of carrying out regime change throughout the world. protects the top US officials in Iraq and yet we know nothing about the firm's quasi-military operations in Iraq, Afghanistan and inside the US. was founded by an extreme right-wing fundamentalist Christian mega-millionaire ex-Navy Seal named Erik Prince, the scion of a wealthy conservative family that bankrolls far-right-wing causes. Blackwater is the dark story of the rise of a powerful mercenary army, ranging from the blood-soaked streets of Fallujah to rooftop firefights in Najaf to the hurricane-ravaged US gulf to Washington DC, where executives are hailed as new heroes in the war on terror. This is an extraordinary expose by one of America's most exciting young radical journalists.
Fiasco: American Military Adventure in Iraq, Thomas E. Ricks, Penguin Press, New York, 2006,496 pages, $27.95. Thomas E. Ricks, the prominent Washington Post military affairs reporter, has contributed his own … Fiasco: American Military Adventure in Iraq, Thomas E. Ricks, Penguin Press, New York, 2006,496 pages, $27.95. Thomas E. Ricks, the prominent Washington Post military affairs reporter, has contributed his own assessment of the evolving U.S. entanglement in Iraq in his new book, Fiasco: American Military Adventure in Iraq. This work follows just several months after Michael R. Gordon and retired General Bernard E. Trainor released Cobra JI: Inside Story of the Invasion and Occupation of Iraq (Pantheon, Westminster, MD, 2006), and will undoubtedly elicit strong reactions from those in uniform. Ricks broadens the aperture of debate, sharply needling the Bush administration and senior military leaders for their slapdash approach to the postwar effort. He is especially caustic about U.S. leaders' failure to understand that we had wandered into the pernicious thicket of an insurgency; about our misdirected and sluggish response once we did recognize that we were facing an insurgency; and about the abysmal conditions that led to the Abu Ghraib scandal. While Ricks conducts a trenchant post-mortem of the convoluted lead-up and embarkation to war, Fiasco primarily focuses on the time between the occupation of Baghdad in April 2003 and the second battle for Fallujah in late 2004. There are no unprecedented revelations here. Ricks does not reveal the hideaway locations for weapons of mass destruction, nor does he uncover evidence to substantiate pre-war claims about clandestine Baathist-Al Qaeda linkages. Instead, what he brings is a numbing degree of clarity, both anecdotal and evidentiary, to support three essential claims. first claim involves the argument for going to war. Ricks contends that it would have been insufficient to muster support had it not been made in the shadow of 9/11. With sad repetitiveness, he demonstrates how Congress seemed to sleep through the administration's drumbeat, unwilling to challenge even the wobbliest assertions that had been flagged within the intelligence community. He also indicts the media for its own docility at the time, singling out Judith Miller for her series in New York Times that seemed to validate the administration's claims about weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Unfortunately, Fiasco went to press just a bit too soon to take note of a late July 2006 poll revealing that more than 60 percent of the American public still believe that Iraq had a WMD program. This, despite scores of post-invasion investigative reports that have consistently asserted the opposite-that there is scant evidence of anything resembling the notion that Saddam aspired to reinvigorating such efforts. It makes one wonder where the American public gets its news. Ricks's second focus for critique is the lack of post-war planning. One senses the reporter's increasingly visceral response to what sometimes seems like a deliberate avoidance of preparation for the aftermath. He cites an Army War College convocation led by historian Conrad Crane in December 2002 that presciently warned: The possibility of the United States winning the war and losing the peace is real and serious. . . Thinking about the war now and the occupation later is not an acceptable solution. Ricks condemns the planning done by Joint Task Force IV, under the direction of then-Brigadier General Steve Hawkins, citing one officer's assessment of JTF IV as fifty-five yahoos with shareware who were clueless. But even here, Ricks is not so much turning over new rocks as reinforcing what has already reified into conventional wisdom. After all, in the days immediately following the fall of Baghdad, the whole world watched spellbound as Iraqi citizens ransacked their own edifices of culture while American soldiers stood by, seemingly mystified by the erupting chaos around them. Ricks is most ruthlessly effective when he disrobes the emperor by dissecting the administration's unwaveringly sunshiny outlook. …
LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES vii PREFACE xi CHAPTER ONE Introduction 1 CHAPTER TWO The Civil-Military Opinion Gap over the Use of Force 21 CHAPTER THREE The Impact of Elite … LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES vii PREFACE xi CHAPTER ONE Introduction 1 CHAPTER TWO The Civil-Military Opinion Gap over the Use of Force 21 CHAPTER THREE The Impact of Elite Veterans on American Decisions to Use Force 64 CHAPTER FOUR Casualty Sensitivity and Civil-Military Relations 95 CHAPTER FIVE Exploring the Determinants of Casualty Sensitivity 149 CHAPTER SIX Conclusion 184 REFERENCES 215 NAME INDEX 229 SUBJECT INDEX 233
Everyone knows: wars are getting worse, more civilians are dying, and peacemaking achieves nothing, right? Wrong. Despite all the bad-news headlines, peacekeeping working. Fewer wars are starting, more are ending, … Everyone knows: wars are getting worse, more civilians are dying, and peacemaking achieves nothing, right? Wrong. Despite all the bad-news headlines, peacekeeping working. Fewer wars are starting, more are ending, and those that remain are smaller and more localized. But peace doesn't just happen; it needs to be put into effect. Moreover, understanding the global decline in armed conflict is crucial as America shifts to an era of lower military budgets and operations. Preeminent scholar of international relations, Joshua Goldstein, definitively illustrates how decades of effort by humanitarian aid agencies, popular movements--and especially the United Nations--have made a measureable difference in reducing violence in our times. Goldstein shows how we can continue building on these inspiring achievements to keep winning the war on war. This updated and revised edition includes more information on a post-9-11 world, and is a perfect compendium for those wishing to learn more about the United States' armed conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan.
There have been many reports about the Iraq war and the vicissitudes of the occupation, yet none has told the complete story. Michael Gordon had unparalleled, behind-the-scenes access to the … There have been many reports about the Iraq war and the vicissitudes of the occupation, yet none has told the complete story. Michael Gordon had unparalleled, behind-the-scenes access to the decision-making processes that determined involvement in Iraq. In Cobra II - the secret codename given to the land invasion operation - he delivers the objectively rendered, definitive chronicle of the war.
As David Vine demonstrates, the overseas bases raise geopolitical tensions and provoke widespread antipathy towards the United States. They also undermine American democratic ideals, pushing the U.S. into partnerships with … As David Vine demonstrates, the overseas bases raise geopolitical tensions and provoke widespread antipathy towards the United States. They also undermine American democratic ideals, pushing the U.S. into partnerships with dictators and perpetuating a system of second-class citizenship in territories like Guam. They breed sexual violence, destroy the environment, and damage local economies. And their financial cost is staggering: though the Pentagon underplays the numbers, Vine's accounting proves that the bill approaches $100 billion per year. For many decades, the need for overseas bases has been a quasi-religious dictum of U.S. foreign policy. But in recent years, a bipartisan coalition has finally started to question this conventional wisdom. With the U.S. withdrawing from Afghanistan and ending thirteen years of war, there is no better time to re-examine the tenets of our military strategy. Base Nation is an essential contribution to that debate.
America's or, as the Pentagon now terms them, low-intensity conflicts, have played an essential but little-appreciated role in its growth as a world power. Beginning with Jefferson's expedition against the … America's or, as the Pentagon now terms them, low-intensity conflicts, have played an essential but little-appreciated role in its growth as a world power. Beginning with Jefferson's expedition against the Barbary Pirates, Max Boot tells the exciting stories of our sometimes minor but often bloody landings in Samoa, the Philippines, China, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, Mexico, Russia, and elsewhere. Along the way he sketches colorful portraits of little-known military heroes such as Stephen Decatur, Fighting Fred Funston, and Smedley Butler. From 1800 to the present day, such undeclared wars have made up the vast majority of our military engagements. Yet the military has often resisted preparing itself for small wars, preferring instead to train for big conflicts that seldom come. Boot re-examines the tragedy of Vietnam through a war prism. He concludes with a devastating critique of the Powell Doctrine and a convincing argument that the armed forces must reorient themselves to better handle small-war missions, because such clashes are an inevitable result of America's far-flung imperial responsibilities.
The volumes of The Greek State at War are an essential reference for the classical scholar. Professor Pritchett has systematically canvassed ancient texts and secondary literature for references to specific … The volumes of The Greek State at War are an essential reference for the classical scholar. Professor Pritchett has systematically canvassed ancient texts and secondary literature for references to specific topics; each volume explores a unique aspect of Greek military practice. In Part V he takes up stone throwers, slingers, and booty.
Journal Article The 9/11 Commission Report: Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States Get access The 9/11 Commission Report: Final Report of the National … Journal Article The 9/11 Commission Report: Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States Get access The 9/11 Commission Report: Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States by National Commission on Terrorist Attacks. New York, W.W. Norton & Company, 2004. 516 pp. Cloth, $25.95; paper, $10.00. James J. Wirtz James J. Wirtz Naval Postgraduate School Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Political Science Quarterly, Volume 119, Issue 4, Winter 2004, Pages 683–684, https://doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165X.2004.tb01293.x Published: 25 March 2013
The end of the Cold War brought widespread optimism about the future of civil-military relations. With a declining need for military preparedness, it seemed, civilian authorities would be better able … The end of the Cold War brought widespread optimism about the future of civil-military relations. With a declining need for military preparedness, it seemed, civilian authorities would be better able to exert control over military policies and decision making. But, argues Michael Desch in this volume, the truth is precisely the opposite. In war-time, he explains, civil authorities cannot help paying close attention to military matters. In times of peace, however, the civilian sector is less interested in military affairs - and therefore leaves them to the military. Focusing on a range of times and places, Desch begins with a look at changes in US civil-military relations since the end of the Cold War. He then turns to the former Soviet Union, explaining why it was easier for civilians to control the Soviet military than its present-day Russian successor. He examines the Hindenburg-Ludendorff dictatorship in World War I Germany, Japan during the interwar era, and the French role in the Algerian crisis. Finally, he explores the changing domestic security environment and civil-military relations in southern Latin America.
Introduction Part One: Waging War With Limited Resources, 1775-1815 1 A Strategy of Attrition: George Washington 2 A Strategy of Partisan War: Nathanael Greene 3 The Federalists and the Jeffersonians … Introduction Part One: Waging War With Limited Resources, 1775-1815 1 A Strategy of Attrition: George Washington 2 A Strategy of Partisan War: Nathanael Greene 3 The Federalists and the Jeffersonians Part Two: Young America as a Military Power, 1815-1890 4 The Age of Winfield Scott 5 The Founding of American Strategic Studies: Dennis Hart Mahan and Henry Wager Halleck 6 Napoleonic Strategy: R.E. Lee and the Confederacy 7 A Strategy of Annihilation: U.S. Grant and the Union 8 Annihilation of a People: The Indian Fighters Part Three: Introduction to World Power, 1890-1941 9 A Strategy of Sea Power and Empire: Stephen B. Luce and Alfred Thayer Mahan 10 Strategy and the Great War of 1914-1918 11 A Strategy of Air Power: Billy Mitchell 12 A Strategy for Pacific Ocean War: Naval Strategists of the 1920s and 1930s Part Four: American Strategy in Global Triumph, 1941-1945 13 The Strategic Tradition of A.T. Mahan: Strategists of the Pacific War 14 The Strategic Tradition of U.S. Grant: Strategists of the European War Part Five: American Strategy in Perplexity, 1945- 15 The Atomic Revolution 16 Old Strategies Revisited: Douglas MacArthur and George C. Marshall in the Korean War 17 Strategies of Deterrence and of Action: The Strategy Intellectuals 18 Strategies of Action Attempted: To the Vietnam War Notes Select Bibliography of American Writings on Military Strategy, Theoretical, and Historical Index
Cities under siege – the new military urbanism, by Stephen Graham, London, Verso, 2011, 432 pp., £12.99 (paperback), ISBN 978-1-84467-762-7; £19.99 (hardback), ISBN 978-1-84467-315-5 Rubbilizing ci... Cities under siege – the new military urbanism, by Stephen Graham, London, Verso, 2011, 432 pp., £12.99 (paperback), ISBN 978-1-84467-762-7; £19.99 (hardback), ISBN 978-1-84467-315-5 Rubbilizing ci...
This article identifies a "post post-Vietnam" pattern in recent American public opinion on the use of military force. Data is drawn from eight cases of limited military force in the … This article identifies a "post post-Vietnam" pattern in recent American public opinion on the use of military force. Data is drawn from eight cases of limited military force in the 1980s and the 1990–91 Persian Gulf war. Although other factors enter in, particularly the "halo effect" of quick-strike successes, the variations in public support are best explained by differences in principal policy objectives between force used to coerce foreign policy restraint by an aggressor state, and force used to influence or impose internal political change within another state. Distinctions are made both among and within the cases, showing the American public to have been much more supportive of the use of force when the principal objective was to restrain rather than remake governments. These findings have theoretical implications for the analysis of public opinion, prescriptive implications for U.S. foreign policy strategy, and normative implications for views of the role of the public in the foreign policy process.
Introduction: National Security and Civil-Military Relations PART I MILITARY INSTITUTIONS AND THE STATE: THEORETICAL AND HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES 1. Officership as a Profession Professionalism and the Military The Concept of Profession … Introduction: National Security and Civil-Military Relations PART I MILITARY INSTITUTIONS AND THE STATE: THEORETICAL AND HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES 1. Officership as a Profession Professionalism and the Military The Concept of Profession The Military Profession 2. The Rise of the Military Profession in Western Society A New Social Type Mercenary and Aristocratic Officership Eighteenth-Century Aristocratic Institutions Preprofessional Meals: The Military Craft and the Natural Genius The Origins of Professionalism The Emergence of Professional Institutions, 1800-1875 European Professionalism: General Upton's Summary, 1875 Formulation of the Professional Ethic: The Autonomy and Sub-Ordination of War In Clausewitz's Vom Kriege 3. The Military Mind: Conservative Realism of the Professional Military Ethic The Meaning of the Military Mind The Professional Military Ethic 4. Power, Professionalism, and Ideology: Civil-Military Relations In Theory The Varieties of Civilian Control The Two Levels of Civil-Military Relations The Equilibrium of Objective Civilian Control The Patterns of Civil-Military Relations 5. Germany and Japan: Civil-Military Relations In Practice The German and Japanese Patterns Germany: The Tragedy of Professional Militarism Japan: The Continuity of Political Militarism PART II MILITARY POWER IN AMERICA: THE HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE, 1789-1940 6. The Ideological Constant: The Liberal Society Versus Military Professionalism The Historical Constants of American Civil-Military Relations The Prevalence of Liberalism in the United States The Liberal Approach to Military Affairs The Military Hero in Liberal Politics 7. The Structural Constant: The Conservative Constitution Versus Civilian Control The Constitutional Absence of Objective Civilian Control The Framers and Civilian Control The Militia Clauses and Military Federalism: The Empire Within an Empire The Separation of Powers: Dual Control Over the National Forces The Commander in Chief Clause: The Political-Military Hierarchy Civilian Control and Constitutional Government 8. The Roots of the American Military Tradition Before the Civil War The Three Strands of American Militarism The Failure of Federalism: Hamilton's Abortive Professionalism Technicism Popularism Professionalism 9. The Creation of the American Military Profession The Dominance of Business Pacifism: Industrialism Versus Militarism Years of Isolation: The Dark and the Bright The Creative Core: Sherman, Upton, Luce The Institutions of Professionalism The Making of the American Military Mind 10. The Failure of the Neo-Hamiltonian Compromise, 1890-1920 The Nature of Neo-Hamiltonianism Mahan And Wood: The Tragedy of the Military Publicist The Abortive Identification With Society, 1918-1925 11. The Constancy of Interwar Civil-Military Relations Business-Reform Hostility and Military Professionalism Reform Liberalism: The Pragmatic Usages of Militarism Military Institutions The American Military Ethic, 1920-1941 PART III THE CRISIS OF AMERICAN CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS, 1940-1955 12. World War II: The Alchemy of Power Civil-Military Relations in Total War Military Authority and Influence in Grand Strategy The Military Adjustment to Wartime Power Civil-Military Relations in Economic Mobilization The Fruits of Harmony and Acrimony 13. Civil-Military Relations in the Postwar Decade The Alternatives of Civil-Military Relations Postwar Perspectives on Civil-Military Relations Military Influence in American Society 14. The Political Roles of the Joint Chiefs Political Roles: Substantive and Advocatory The Joint Chiefs in the Truman Administration The Korean War: the Generals, the Troops, and the Public The Joint Chiefs in the First Two Years of the Eisenhower Administration Conclusion 15. The Separation of Powers and Cold War Defense The Impact of the Separation of Powers The Separation of Powers Versus the Separation of Functions The Separation of Powers Versus Military Professionalism The Separation of Powers Versus Strategic Monism 16. Departmental Structure of Civil-Military Relations The Organization Problems of the Postwar Decade The Joint Chiefs of Staff: Legal Form and Political Reality The Comptroller: Superego of the Department of Defense The Role of the Secretary The Needs of the Office 17. Toward a New Equilibrium The Requisite For Security Changes in the Ideological Environment Conservatism and Security The Worth of the Military Ideal Notes Index
This prizewinning book is the first in-depth history of American strategic bombing. Michael S. Sherry explores the growing appeal of air power in America before World War II, the ideas, … This prizewinning book is the first in-depth history of American strategic bombing. Michael S. Sherry explores the growing appeal of air power in America before World War II, the ideas, techniques, personalities, and organizations that guided air attacks during the war, and the devastating effects of American and British conventional bombing. He also traces the origins of the dangerous illusion that the bombing of cities would be so horrific that nations would not dare let it occur - an illusion that has sanctioned the growth of nuclear arsenals.
PART I. THE RISE 1. An Era of Corporate Warriors? 2. Privatized Military History 3. The Privatized Military Industry Distinguished 4. Why Security Has Been Privatized PART II. ORGANIZATION AND … PART I. THE RISE 1. An Era of Corporate Warriors? 2. Privatized Military History 3. The Privatized Military Industry Distinguished 4. Why Security Has Been Privatized PART II. ORGANIZATION AND OPERATION 5. The Global Industry of Military Services 6. The Privatized Military Industry Classified 7. The Military Provider Firm: Executive Outcomes 8. The Military Consultant Firm: MPRI 9. The Military Support Firm: Brown & Root PART III. IMPLICATIONS 10. Contractual Dilemmas 11. Market Dynamism and Global Disruptions 12. Private Firms and the Civil-Military Balance 13. Public Ends, Private Military Means? 14. Morality and the Privatized Military Firm 15. Conclusions POSTSCRIPT The Lessons of Iraq Appendix I. PMFs on the Web Appendix 2. PMF Contract Notes Bibliography Index
This article examines the changing transatlantic security architecture since the end of the Cold War. It argues that the absence of a unifying military threat and the subsequent broadening of … This article examines the changing transatlantic security architecture since the end of the Cold War. It argues that the absence of a unifying military threat and the subsequent broadening of the notion of security from states to societies has led to the increasing differentiation of security policy arrangements since the beginning of the 1990s. Not only have international institutions proliferated since the end of bipolarity, private actors — such as non-governmental organizations and private security companies — have gained considerable influence. Since these features are not fully grasped by traditional models in security studies, the article suggests that a new theoretical perspective might be required if we are to understand the emerging security system. It proposes that such a perspective can be based on the concept of `security governance', which describes the development from the centralized security system of the Cold War era to the increasingly fragmented and complex security structures of today.
Preface Introduction 1. The background of two centuries 2. 'An army marches on its stomach!' 3. When demigods rode rails 4. The wheel that broke 5. Russian roulette 6. Sirte … Preface Introduction 1. The background of two centuries 2. 'An army marches on its stomach!' 3. When demigods rode rails 4. The wheel that broke 5. Russian roulette 6. Sirte to Alamein 7. War of the accountants 8. Logistics in perspective Note on sources Bibliography Notes Index.
The first edition of Bureaucratic Politics and Foreign Policy is one of the most successful Brookings titles of all time. This thoroughly revised version updates that classic analysis of the … The first edition of Bureaucratic Politics and Foreign Policy is one of the most successful Brookings titles of all time. This thoroughly revised version updates that classic analysis of the role played by the federal bureaucracy --civilian career officials, political appointees, and military officers --and Congress in formulating U.S. national security policy, illustrating how policy decisions are actually made. Government agencies, departments, and individuals all have certain interests to preserve and promote. Those priorities, and the conflicts they sometimes spark, heavily influence the formulation and implementation of foreign policy. A decision that looks like an orchestrated attempt to influence another country may in fact represent a shaky compromise between rival elements within the U.S. government. The authors provide numerous examples of bureaucratic maneuvering and reveal how they have influenced our international relations. The revised edition includes new examples of bureaucratic politics from the past three decades, from Jimmy Carter's view of the State Department to conflicts between George W. Bush and the bureaucracy regarding Iraq. The second edition also includes a new analysis of Congress's role in the politics of foreign policymaking.
AFTER allowance has been made for abnormal circumstances, the social institutions, ideas and habits of groups in the outside world are to be found reflected in a Prisoner of War … AFTER allowance has been made for abnormal circumstances, the social institutions, ideas and habits of groups in the outside world are to be found reflected in a Prisoner of War Camp. It is an unusual but a vital society. Camp organisation and politics are matters of real concern to the inmates, as affecting their present and perhaps their future existences. Nor does this indicate any loss of proportion. No one pretends that camp matters are of any but local importance or of more than transient interest, but their importance there is great. They bulk large in a world of narrow horizons and it is suggested that any distortion of values lies rather in the minimisation than in the exaggeration of their importance. Human affairs are essentially practical matters and the measure of immediate effect on the lives of those directly concerned in them is to a large extent the criterion of their importance at that time and place. A prisoner can hold strong views on such subjects as whether or not all tinned meats shall be issued to individuals cold or be centrally cooked, without losing sight of the significance of the Atlantic Charter. One aspect of social organisation is to be found in economic activity, and this, along with other manifestations of a group existence, is to be found in any P.O.W. camp. True, a prisoner is not dependent on his exertions for the provision of the necessaries, or even the luxuries of life, but through his economic activity, the exchange of goods and services, his standard of material comfort is considerably enhanced. And this is a serious matter to the prisoner: he is not playing at shops even though the small scale of the transactions and the simple expression of comfort and wants in terms of cigarettes and jam, razor blades and writing paper, make the urgency of those needs difficult to appreciate, even by an ex-prisoner of some three months' standing. Nevertheless, it cannot be too strongly emphasised that economic activities do not bulk so large in prison society as they do in the larger world. There can be little production; as has been said the prisoner is independent of his exertions for the provision of the necessities and luxuries of life; the emphasis lies in exchange and the media of exchange. A prison camp is not to be compared with the seething crowd of higglers in a street market, any more than it is to be compared with the economic inertia of a family dinner table. Naturally then, entertainment, academic and literary interests, games and discussions of the other world bulk larger in everyday Life than they do in the life of more normal societies. But it would be
In a Ted Talk (https://www.ted In a Ted Talk (https://www.ted
Said (2011) pensa que o tipo de dominação exercido por impérios de um passado ainda recente lançou as bases para um mundo inteiramente global. Para que tais impérios conseguissem expandir … Said (2011) pensa que o tipo de dominação exercido por impérios de um passado ainda recente lançou as bases para um mundo inteiramente global. Para que tais impérios conseguissem expandir seus territórios e manter a ordem, o desenvolvimento de tecnologia se fez imprescindível: armamentos, navios de guerra, barcos a vapor, combustíveis e usinas. Diante disso, Csicsery-Ronay, Jr. (2017) defende que o imperialismo está diretamente relacionado ao desenvolvimento de tecnologia e, consequentemente, às obras de ficção científica – caracterizadas predominantemente pelos aparatos tecnológicos presentes em suas histórias. Será apresentada e explorada aqui essa argumentação, articulada com uma breve leitura do romance Duna (2017 [1965]), de Frank Herbert. Também serão mencionados como ocorrem os mecanismos de poder imperial nesta narrativa.
Powstanie i rozwój Karty 77 w Czechosłowacji wzbudziły duże zainteresowanie w Stanach Zjednoczonych, co wpisywało się w nowe podejście do praw człowieka w polityce prezydenta Jimmy’ego Cartera wobec Europy Wschodniej … Powstanie i rozwój Karty 77 w Czechosłowacji wzbudziły duże zainteresowanie w Stanach Zjednoczonych, co wpisywało się w nowe podejście do praw człowieka w polityce prezydenta Jimmy’ego Cartera wobec Europy Wschodniej w latach 1977–1980. Odtajnione dokumenty ambasady USA w Pradze i wywiadu rzucają nowe światło na rozwój i działalność Karty 77. Amerykańska misja szczegółowo informowała o aktywności dysydentów, wykorzystując przy tym wypowiedzi osób powiązanych z nowym ruchem. Nowe źródła pozwalają ukazać wpływ Karty 77 na ogólną sytuację polityczną w Czechosłowacji, w tym stosunek reżimu oraz społeczeństwa wobec dysydentów. Umożliwiają także na pokazanie roli Karty 77 w ogólnej polityce USA wobec Pragi w tym czasie.
This article explores the application of the teal approach in organizational management, particularly in the context of Ukraine’s de-occupied territories during wartime and the post-war recovery period. The teal approach, … This article explores the application of the teal approach in organizational management, particularly in the context of Ukraine’s de-occupied territories during wartime and the post-war recovery period. The teal approach, as a concept of organizational development, is based on the principles of self-management, wholeness, and evolutionary purpose. These principles become especially relevant in conditions of instability and the urgent need to restore socio-economic infrastructure. The study aims to assess teal practices in wartime conditions on de-occupied territories and to identify potential development vectors for teal management in the post-war period. To achieve the set objectives, the research employed a range of scientific methods, including monographic analysis, abstract-logical reasoning, comparative studies, and theoretical generalization. The article analyzes the current state of teal management implementation in Ukrainian organizations, especially in regions that experienced occupation and were subsequently liberated. It examines examples of organizations that are implementing elements of the teal approach and analyzes the effectiveness of such practices in restoring trust in institutions, increasing staff motivation, and ensuring organizational resilience in a context of constant change. Marketing strategies under teal practices and the ways to implement them are also outlined. The study highlights the main challenges associated with the implementation of the teal approach in de-occupied areas. However, despite these challenges, the teal model is seen as a promising framework for organizations striving for sustainable development and effective management in post-conflict recovery settings. The article emphasizes the importance of support from the state and civil society in introducing teal practices, as well as the need for further research to adapt this model to Ukrainian realities. It stresses that the teal approach can become a key element in the transformation of management systems in de-occupied territories, contributing to the creation of more flexible, inclusive, and effective organizations that will serve as active agents in the economic revival process during the post-war period.
Since 2017, EU and NATO have been discussing the creation of “Military Schengen,” emphasizing the importance of integrating efforts to promptly respond to potential crises on the eastern flank of … Since 2017, EU and NATO have been discussing the creation of “Military Schengen,” emphasizing the importance of integrating efforts to promptly respond to potential crises on the eastern flank of NATO. With aggravation of contradictions between Russia and the West in the context of the special military operation in Ukraine, this topic acquires even greater relevance. The aim of this study is to determine the role of transport infrastructures, primarily road and rail ones, on NATO’s military mobility in Europe and to examine the main areas and formats of cooperation in this area. Particular attention is paid to the projects of the Three Seas Initiative (Via Carpatia, Via Baltica, Rail-2-Sea), initiatives within the Trans-European Transport Network (TEN-T) and the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) programs. Based on the provisions of securitization theory, the author demonstrates mechanisms through which civilian projects acquire military significance, forming dual-use infrastructure. The author concludes that military mobility is becoming a key field for deepening cooperation between the EU and NATO and opens up new strategic opportunities for the alliance, facilitating the rapid transfer of troops and equipment to the Russian borders amid geopolitical tensions. The target task of the EU and NATO is to create a fully functioning transport infrastructure in Europe by 2030 to meet their military needs. In the medium term, this may create additional challenges for Russia. Accordingly, the article suggests several ways of responding to them.
Wolfgang Drechsler | NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy
Abstract This essay, based on a keynote address, suggests three keys for good public administration in post-conflict reconstruction. It emphasizes the importance of carefully selecting advisors, focusing on building administrative … Abstract This essay, based on a keynote address, suggests three keys for good public administration in post-conflict reconstruction. It emphasizes the importance of carefully selecting advisors, focusing on building administrative capacity, and truly finishing the conflict, especially against a lethal enemy within or without, before initiating reconstruction efforts. Drawing on case studies from Kosova, Myanmar, and broader international contexts, the essay underscores the complexities of reconstructing public administration structures and the need for innovative, yet stable, approaches to governance.
The mercenary is a social construct, a contested and contingent concept. Thus, the mercenary’s status is determined by prevailing social norms and customary international law pertaining to war. Following the … The mercenary is a social construct, a contested and contingent concept. Thus, the mercenary’s status is determined by prevailing social norms and customary international law pertaining to war. Following the emergence of the modern nation-state and the standing army, the citizen-soldier was expected to share a sense of national identity and allegiance to the state. Conversely, the mercenary’s loyalties were regarded as suspect as they were widely believed to be motivated by self-interest and defined by their foreignness. During the 1960s to 1980s, the presence of foreign volunteers in regular units of white minority regimes and, more especially, the intervention of freelance mercenaries in the affairs of postcolonial African states, was widely condemned. Leaders of newly minted independent states applied pressure via the United Nations to outlaw mercenaries. Their objections were based on the notion that the use of mercenaries violated the principle of national sovereignty and the state’s right to exercise the monopoly of violence. Yet, few sub-Saharan African states have exercised a preponderance of force in their territories and have frequently relinquished security functions to non-state actors such as private military contractors. These are not mercenaries in a new guise but a related phenomenon that has flourished in the post–Cold War world. Contractors employed by corporate entities known as private military companies (PMCs) assumed certain responsibilities primarily performed by national armed forces. They have enabled governments or rulers with the means to bolster their power, if not their legitimacy. Secondary or support functions are also provided by contractors employed by private security companies (PSCs). The lines between these corporate entities have become blurred and so commentators have tended to collapse them into private military and security companies (PMSCs). While a feature of failed or weak African states, the outsourcing of security has been widely adopted by developed countries that realized the greater cost effectiveness and efficacy of private military contractors over standing armies. The use of PMSCs thus stems from the restructuring of state security functions that typify the neoliberal global order. Whereas the defense and security sectors have historically been male preserves, redress of gender inequalities and discriminatory measures are arguably more evident in state forces than PMSCs.
Abstract This chapter recounts Thomas Jefferson and James Madison’s travels to Lake George and their exploration of its natural beauty and historical significance. Jefferson admires the lake’s crystal-clear waters and … Abstract This chapter recounts Thomas Jefferson and James Madison’s travels to Lake George and their exploration of its natural beauty and historical significance. Jefferson admires the lake’s crystal-clear waters and recalls the daring escape of Major Robert Rogers during the French and Indian War. Madison documents the region’s agricultural production, trade, and settlements, while Jefferson writes letters urging his daughters to pursue learning and practical skills. The chapter highlights Prince Taylor, a free Black farmer and Revolutionary War veteran, whose success challenges Jefferson’s and Madison’s racial assumptions. By exploring their inconsistent views on slavery and emancipation, the chapter reveals how both men fail to reconcile their principles of liberty with their complicity in maintaining slavery.
Abstract Russia has systematically engaged in a series of campaigns to recruit male residents from occupied territory into its armed forces. Russian soldiers have reportedly prevented men between the ages … Abstract Russia has systematically engaged in a series of campaigns to recruit male residents from occupied territory into its armed forces. Russian soldiers have reportedly prevented men between the ages of 18 and 35 from leaving occupied territories. The various components comprising the prohibition against forced conscription amount to customary international law. This chapter outlines how the law of armed conflict’s prohibition of forced conscription protects persons during international armed conflict, against the background of the Russia-Ukraine war. It surveys the relevant treaty provisions set forth in the 1907 Hague Regulations and the 1949 Geneva Conventions, as well as their customary counterparts. It then highlights challenges in interpreting and applying select aspects of the prohibition that are not firmly settled.
Abstract This chapter discusses the personal scope of application of the Fourth Geneva Convention (GC IV). It focuses particularly on the protection of so-called unprivileged belligerents, persons who directly participate … Abstract This chapter discusses the personal scope of application of the Fourth Geneva Convention (GC IV). It focuses particularly on the protection of so-called unprivileged belligerents, persons who directly participate in hostilities against the adversary in an international armed conflict without entitlement to combatant and therefore prisoner of war status upon capture. The main relevant article of GC IV examined is Article 4. The chapter starts by analyzing Article 4 in its context. It then searches for relevant elements in the travaux préparatoires of GCs IV and III to interpret the personal scope of GC IV. Having concluded that these support an interpretation that excludes civilians in non-occupied territory of their home State from certain protections, it looks at what remaining protections exist and discusses an approach that has been suggested to broaden the scope of application of GC IV. The chapter concludes with some final remarks.
In this article, the main challenges faced by Ukraine's logistics industry during the war are analysed. One of the most serious challenges is physical destruction of transport infrastructure: destroyed bridges, … In this article, the main challenges faced by Ukraine's logistics industry during the war are analysed. One of the most serious challenges is physical destruction of transport infrastructure: destroyed bridges, damaged roads, railway junctions and the blockade of seaports. These circumstances forced logistics companies to look for alternative routes. Ensuring the safety of transport routes remains equally important. The constant threat of shelling during transportation of goods and the high risk of loss of goods due to destruction of warehouses, terminals and vehicles led to increase in insurance costs and the cost of logistics services. Additional difficulties were caused by rising fuel and transport prices, shortage of specialised equipment and loss of skilled staff, which made timely delivery more difficult and reduced efficiency of supply chains. In response, companies were forced to look for alternative solutions, introduce new technologies, optimise resources and adapt to new conditions to ensure supply stability and minimise losses. In addition, the war caused a downturn in the economy, inflation and a lack of funding, which significantly affected the ability to maintain the continuity of logistics processes. Information risks in the industry have increased the vulnerability of logistics systems, making it difficult for them to function effectively. Despite all difficulties, the industry demonstrates the ability to adapt. To ensure stable and efficient logistics processes in times of war, the article formulates ways to counter key challenges, including: strengthening cybersecurity, diversification of routes and means of transport, the need to build backup infrastructure, implementing effective resource management, establishing cooperation between state authorities, military, volunteer organisations and private companies, preparing for emergencies, introducing innovative technologies, attracting international assistance. Implementation of these measures will accelerate further development of logistics activities in Ukraine and become an important factor in the country's economic recovery.
The relevance of this research is determined by the current geopolitical situation, characterized by intensified attempts to falsify the history of World War II. In this context, an objective assessment … The relevance of this research is determined by the current geopolitical situation, characterized by intensified attempts to falsify the history of World War II. In this context, an objective assessment of the impact of the opening of the Second Front in the European theater of operations on the overall victory over Nazism represents a key problem in contemporary military-historical science. One of the debatable problems of modern military-historical science is an objective assessment of the role and significance of the opening of the Second Front in the European theater of operations in the final defeat of the Nazi Germany's troops and its satellites. Generalization of the historiographical experience of studying the indicated problem, taking into account the source base available to researchers, allows us to identify the author's position on the stated topic. The purpose of the research is to provide a scientific assessment of the historical events related to the problem of the opening of the Second Front by the Allied forces of the Anti-Hitler Coalition. Objectives: To identify and systematize the key parameters characterizing the genesis, stages of preparation, dynamics of development, and effectiveness of the strategic operation “Overlord”. Methodology. The research is based on the fundamental principles of objectivity, historicism, and a systemic approach. A set of complementary general scientific and specifically historical methods was used in the process, including analytical, critical, problem-chronological, and retrospective analysis. Results. The article reveals the foundations of the military-historical view 80 years later on the Normandy strategic operation “Overlord” and raises the question of whether it was the opening of the Second Front or still a war against German troops on two fronts. Based on factual material, an assessment is given of historical events related to the problem of the opening of the Second Front by the Allied forces of the Anti-Hitler Coalition. The process of preparing this operation is presented, and the features of its course and significance for modernity are shown. Conclusions. During Operation Overlord, not only new means of armed struggle were used, but advanced elements of military art were also embodied: strategic deterrence, misleading the enemy, operational camouflage, and joint landing of air and sea assaults. All these elements are still widely used in the theory and practice of military affairs.