Social Sciences Sociology and Political Science

Eastern European Communism and Reforms

Description

This cluster of papers explores the sociopolitical transformation, identity formation, and memory politics in post-Communist Europe, particularly focusing on countries like Belarus, Czech Republic, and Slovakia. It delves into topics such as national awakening, human rights, dissent, authoritarianism, and the cultural history of the Cold War period.

Keywords

Post-Communist; Transition; Identity; Dissent; Memory Politics; National Awakening; Human Rights; Sociopolitical Transformation; Cultural History; Authoritarianism

How do we evaluate the power and utility of language when it has been made to articulate falsehoods in certain totalitarian regimes or has been charged with vulgarity and imprecision … How do we evaluate the power and utility of language when it has been made to articulate falsehoods in certain totalitarian regimes or has been charged with vulgarity and imprecision in a mass-consumer democracy? How will language react to the increasingly urgent claims of more exact speech such as mathematics and symbolic notation? These are some of the questions Steiner addresses in this elegantly written book, first published in 1967 to international acclaim.
'A modernist work of art is by definition 'incomprehensible'; it functions as a shock, as the irruption of a trauma which undermines the complacency of our daily routine and resists … 'A modernist work of art is by definition 'incomprehensible'; it functions as a shock, as the irruption of a trauma which undermines the complacency of our daily routine and resists being integrated. What postmodernism does, however, is the very opposite: it objects par excellence are products with mass appeal; the aim of the postmodernist treatment is to estrange their initial homeliness: 'you think what you see is a simple melodrama your granny would have no difficulty in following? Yet without taking into account the difference between symptom and sinthom/the structure of the Borromean knot/the fact that Woman is one of the Names-of-the-Father ...you've totally missed the point!' if there is an author whose name epitomises this interpretive pleasure of 'estranging' the most banal content, it is Alfred Hitchcock (and - useless to deny it - this book partakes unrestrainedly in this madness).' Hitchcock is placed on the analyst's couch in this extraordinary volume of case studies, as its contributors bring to bear an unrivalled enthusiasm and theoretical sweep on the entire Hitchcock oeuvre, from Rear Window to Psycho, as an exemplar of 'postmodern' defamiliarization. Starting from the premise that 'everything has meaning', the films' ostensible narrative content and formal procedures are analysed to reveal a rich proliferation of ideological and psychical mechanisms at work. But Hitchcock is here to lure the reader into 'serious' Marxist and Lacanian considerations on the construction of meaning. Timely, provocative and original, this is sure to become a landmark of Hitchcock studies. Contributors: Frederic Jameson, Pascal Bonitzer, Miran Bozovic, Michel Chion, Mlladen Dolar, Stojan Pellko, Renata Salecl, Alenka Zupancic and Slavoj Zizek.
This major study examines one of the most surprising developments in East Central European politics after the democratic transitions of 1989: the completely unexpected regeneration of the former communist parties. … This major study examines one of the most surprising developments in East Central European politics after the democratic transitions of 1989: the completely unexpected regeneration of the former communist parties. After the collapse of the communist regimes in 1989, these ruling communist parties seemed consigned to oblivion. However, confounding scholarly and popular expectations, all of these parties survived. Some have even returned to power. This in-depth, comparative study systematically analyzes the trajectories of four cases: the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland, and Hungary (with additional examination of other communist party successors). Relying on extensive, and unprecedented, primary research, this analysis employs a consistent analytical framework that combines the peculiarities of the post-socialist cases with broad theoretical concerns of institutional analysis, democratic transitions and consolidation, and party politics.
Europe in 1945 was prostrate. Much of the continent was devastated by war, mass slaughter, bombing and chaos. Large areas of Eastern Europe were falling under Soviet control, exchanging one … Europe in 1945 was prostrate. Much of the continent was devastated by war, mass slaughter, bombing and chaos. Large areas of Eastern Europe were falling under Soviet control, exchanging one despotism for another. Today, the Soviet Union is no more and the democracies of the European Union reach as far as the borders of Russia itself. Postwar tells the rich and complex story of how we got from there to here. It tells of Europe's recovery from the devastation; of the decline and fall of Soviet Communism and the rise of the EC and EU; of the end of Europe's empires; and of Europe's uneasy and changing relationships with the memory of the war and with the two great powers that bracket it, Russian and America. With clarity and economy, he tells of developments across the continent as a whole, as well as of the contrasting experiences of Eastern and Western Europe. Along the way, we learn of Greece's Civil War, of Scandinavian social democracy, the stresses of multilingual Belgium, the struggles of Northern Ireland and the Basque country. And this is a history of people as well as of peoples, Churchill and Mitterand, General Franco and General Jaruzelski, Silvio Berlusconi and Joseph Stalin. And Postwar also has cultural and social histories to tell: of French and Czech cinema, of the rise of the fridge and the decline of the public intellectual, of immigration and gastarbeiters, existentialism and punk rock, Monty Python and brutalist architecture. Running right up to the Iraq War and the election of Benedict XVI, Postwar makes sense of Europe's recent history and identity, of what Europe is and has been, in what can only be described as a masterpiece: Europe in our time.
The shocking account of how a unit of average middle-aged Germans became the cold-blooded murderers of tens of thousands of Jews. The shocking account of how a unit of average middle-aged Germans became the cold-blooded murderers of tens of thousands of Jews.
Introduction: The Culture of the Stalin Era in Historical Perspective3Ch. 1The Russian Avant-Garde: The Leap over Progress14White Humanity15Red Agitation19Ch. 2The Stalinist Art of Living33Judgment Day for World Culture37The Typology of … Introduction: The Culture of the Stalin Era in Historical Perspective3Ch. 1The Russian Avant-Garde: The Leap over Progress14White Humanity15Red Agitation19Ch. 2The Stalinist Art of Living33Judgment Day for World Culture37The Typology of the Nonexistent50The Earthly Incarnation of the Demiurge56Ch. 3Postutopian Art: From Myth to Mythology75The Lost Horizon81The Avant-Garde Artist as the Little Man84Stalin's Best Pupils89Poet and Militiaman95A Cruel Talent99Chronicler of the Kremlin102Ch. 4Designers of the Unconscious and Their Audience113Notes121
Like many major revolutions in history, the East European Revolution of 1989 caught its leaders, participants, victims, and observers by surprise. This paper offers an explanation whose crucial feature is … Like many major revolutions in history, the East European Revolution of 1989 caught its leaders, participants, victims, and observers by surprise. This paper offers an explanation whose crucial feature is a distinction between private and public preferences. By suppressing their antipathies to the political status quo, the East Europeans misled everyone, including themselves, as to the possibility of a successful uprising. In effect, they conferred on their privately despised governments an aura of invincibility. Under the circumstances, public opposition was poised to grow explosively if ever enough people lost their fear of exposing their private preferences. The currently popular theories of revolution do not make clear why uprisings easily explained in retrospect may not have been anticipated. The theory developed here fills this void. Among its predictions is that political revolutions will inevitably continue to catch the world by surprise.
Research Article| April 01 2003 Love as Valuing a Relationship Niko Kolodny Niko Kolodny Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google The Philosophical Review (2003) 112 … Research Article| April 01 2003 Love as Valuing a Relationship Niko Kolodny Niko Kolodny Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google The Philosophical Review (2003) 112 (2): 135–189. https://doi.org/10.1215/00318108-112-2-135 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Permissions Search Site Citation Niko Kolodny; Love as Valuing a Relationship. The Philosophical Review 1 April 2003; 112 (2): 135–189. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00318108-112-2-135 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsThe Philosophical Review Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Cornell University2003 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal Issue Section: Front Matter You do not currently have access to this content.
Stite's book received the 1990 Vucinich Prize, awarded by the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies for the best book published in 1989 in the field of Russian … Stite's book received the 1990 Vucinich Prize, awarded by the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies for the best book published in 1989 in the field of Russian and East European studies. The presentation is dynamic, fascinating, indeed brilliant, as well as fully expert...It is also a highly readable book...The book has already received much critical attention and great acclaim...In Revolutionary Dreams, we have a brilliantly presented historical work which is both pioneering and fundamental in its important field. - Nicholas V Riasanovsky (speech made on presentation of the Vucinich Prize)
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes Alan Bullock, Hitler and Stalin: Parallel Lives (New York: Vintage, 1993). Christian Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde: die deutsche Wirtschafts- und Vernichtungspolitik … Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes Alan Bullock, Hitler and Stalin: Parallel Lives (New York: Vintage, 1993). Christian Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde: die deutsche Wirtschafts- und Vernichtungspolitik in Weißrußland 1941 bis 1944 (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 1999); and Krieg, Ernährung, Völkermord: Forschungen zur deutschen Vernichtungspolitik im Zweiten Weltkrieg (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 1998). Bullock, Hitler and Stalin; Robert Gellately, The Dictators: Hitler's Germany, Stalin's Russia (New York: W.W. Norton, 2006); Robert Gellately, Lenin, Stalin, and Hitler: The Age of Social Catastrophe (New York: Vintage, 2008).
Jurgen Habermas: Europe: The Faltering Project, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2009, 192 pp., £15.99 (paperback) ISBN 978-0-7456-4649-7/£50.00 (hardback) ISBN 978-0-7456-4640-4 At first glance, Habermas'... Jurgen Habermas: Europe: The Faltering Project, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2009, 192 pp., £15.99 (paperback) ISBN 978-0-7456-4649-7/£50.00 (hardback) ISBN 978-0-7456-4640-4 At first glance, Habermas'...
Journal Article National identity and the idea of European unity Get access Anthony D. Smith Anthony D. Smith Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar … Journal Article National identity and the idea of European unity Get access Anthony D. Smith Anthony D. Smith Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 68, Issue 1, January 1992, Pages 55–76, https://doi.org/10.2307/2620461 Published: 01 January 1992
Acknowledgments ix Chapter 1: Late Socialism An Eternal State 1 Chapter 2: Hegemony of Form Stalin's Uncanny Paradigm Shift 36 Chapter 3: Ideology Inside Out Ethics and Poetics 77 Chapter … Acknowledgments ix Chapter 1: Late Socialism An Eternal State 1 Chapter 2: Hegemony of Form Stalin's Uncanny Paradigm Shift 36 Chapter 3: Ideology Inside Out Ethics and Poetics 77 Chapter 4: Living Vnye Deterritorialized Milieus 126 Chapter 5: Imaginary West The Elsewhere of Late Socialism 158 Chapter 6: Tr ue Colors of Communism King Crimson, Deep Purple, Pink Floyd 207 Chapter 7: Dead Irony Necroaesthetics, Stiob, and the Anekdot 238 Conclusion 282 Bibliography 299 Index 319
Since 1989, scores of bodies across Eastern Europe have been exhumed and brought to rest in new gravesites. Katherine Verdery investigates why certain corpses-the bodies of revolutionary leaders, heroes, artists, … Since 1989, scores of bodies across Eastern Europe have been exhumed and brought to rest in new gravesites. Katherine Verdery investigates why certain corpses-the bodies of revolutionary leaders, heroes, artists, and other luminaries, as well as more humble folk-have taken on a political life in the turbulent times following the end of Communist Party rule, and what roles they play in revising the past and reorienting the present. Enlivening and invigorating the dialogue on postsocialist politics, this imaginative study helps us understand the dynamic and deeply symbolic nature of politics-and how it can breathe new life into old bones.
States like Russia and Ukraine may not have gone back to totalitarianism or the traditional authoritarian formula of stuffing the ballot box, cowing the population and imprisoning the opposition--or not … States like Russia and Ukraine may not have gone back to totalitarianism or the traditional authoritarian formula of stuffing the ballot box, cowing the population and imprisoning the opposition--or not obviously. But a whole industry of technology has developed instead, with shadowy private firms and government fixers on lucrative contracts dedicated to the black arts of organizing electoral success. This book uncovers the sophisticated techniques of the virtual political system used to legitimize post-Soviet regimes: entire fake parties, phantom political rivals and scarecrow opponents. And it exposes the paramount role of the mass media in projecting these creations and in falsifying the entire political process. Wilson argues that it is not primarily economic problems that have made it so difficult to develop meaningful democracy in the former Soviet world. Although the West also has its spin doctors, dirty tricks, and aggressive ad campaigns, it is the unique post-Bolshevik culture of technology that is the main obstacle to better governance in the region, to real popular participation in public affairs, and to the modernization of the political economy in the longer term.
Journal Article Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order Get access Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order by Robert … Journal Article Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order Get access Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order by Robert Kagan. New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 2003. 104 pp. $18.00. Frank Costigliola Frank Costigliola University of Connecticut Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Political Science Quarterly, Volume 118, Issue 3, Fall 2003, Pages 518–519, https://doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165X.2003.tb01237.x Published: 25 March 2013
Chapter 1 Introduction Chapter 2 Traders, Disorder, and Citizenship Regimes in Provincial Russia Chapter 3 Fuzzy Property: Rights, Power, and Identity in Transylvania's Decollectivization Chapter 4 Barter of the Bankrupt: … Chapter 1 Introduction Chapter 2 Traders, Disorder, and Citizenship Regimes in Provincial Russia Chapter 3 Fuzzy Property: Rights, Power, and Identity in Transylvania's Decollectivization Chapter 4 Barter of the Bankrupt: The Politics of Demonetization in Russia's Federal State Chapter 5 Slick Salesmen and Simple People: Negotiated Capitalism in a Privatized Polish Firm Chapter 6 But We Are Still Mothers: Gender, State, and the Construction of Need in Hungary Chapter 7 Deconstructing Socialism in Bulgaria Chapter 8 Redefining the Collective: Russian Mineworkers in Transition Chapter 9 Portable Worlds: On the Limits of Replication in the Czech and Slovak Republics
Preface. Acknowledgements. 1. Nationalism and Marxism. 2. Nationalism and the International Order. 3. From Kinship to Ethnicity. 4. The Betrayal of the Universal. 5. The Sacred and the National. 6. … Preface. Acknowledgements. 1. Nationalism and Marxism. 2. Nationalism and the International Order. 3. From Kinship to Ethnicity. 4. The Betrayal of the Universal. 5. The Sacred and the National. 6. A Non--nationalist Pole. 7. Kemalism. 8. Enlightenment Against Faith. 9. The Price of Velvet: Tomas Masaryk and Vaclav Havel. 10. Reborn from below: The Forgotten Beginnings of the Czech National Revival. 11. The Nazi Jew--lover. 12. The Mightier Pen: The Double Standards of Inside--out Colonalism. 13. From the Ruins of the Great Contest: Civil Society, Nationalism and Islam. 14. An Alternative Vision. Index.
List of Figures and Table A Note on Conventions Terms and Acronyms Introduction: Mobilization, Populism, and the Formation of Modern Russian National Identity 1. Tsarist and Early Soviet Society's Weak … List of Figures and Table A Note on Conventions Terms and Acronyms Introduction: Mobilization, Populism, and the Formation of Modern Russian National Identity 1. Tsarist and Early Soviet Society's Weak Sense of National Identity Part One: 1931-1941 2. Mobilizing Stalinist Society in the Early to Mid-1930s 3. The Emergence of Russocentric Etatism 4. Ideology in the Prewar Classroom 5. Popularizing State Ideology through Mass Culture 6. The Popular Reception of National Bolshevism on the Eve of War Part Two: 1941-1945 7. Wartime Stalinist Ideology and Its Discontents 8. Ideological Education on the Home Front 9. Wartime Mass Culture and Propaganda 10. Popular Engagement with the Official Line during the War Part Three: 1945-1953 11. Soviet Ideology during the Zhdanovshchina and High Stalinism 12. Public and Party Education during the Early Postwar Period 13. Postwar Soviet Mass Culture 14. The Popular Reception of Ideology during Stalin's Last Decade Conclusion: National Bolshevism and a Modern Russian National Identity Appendix: Civic History Textbook Development, 1934-1955 Notes Index
By Eric R. Wolf. 2nd ed. (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2010), xxvii + 503 pp. $27.95/£19.95 paper. This represents a reprinting, with a short foreword by the Norwegian … By Eric R. Wolf. 2nd ed. (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2010), xxvii + 503 pp. $27.95/£19.95 paper. This represents a reprinting, with a short foreword by the Norwegian scholar Thom...
This article examines how EU and NATO enlargement is framed by the dichotomy of Europe versus Eastern Europe, and how the enlargement process simultaneously transforms that dichotomy. I argue that … This article examines how EU and NATO enlargement is framed by the dichotomy of Europe versus Eastern Europe, and how the enlargement process simultaneously transforms that dichotomy. I argue that the double enlargement is underpinned by a broadly orientalist discourse that assumes essential difference between Europe and Eastern Europe and frames difference from Western Europe as a distance from and a lack of Europeanness. I suggest that in order to expose and undercut this reinscription of otherness, research on East-Central Europe should engage with postcolonial theory in a more direct and sustained fashion.
The collapse of state socialism in eastern Europe has led to a proliferation of studies analyzing aspects of democratization throughout the region. Central to many of these studies (particularly those … The collapse of state socialism in eastern Europe has led to a proliferation of studies analyzing aspects of democratization throughout the region. Central to many of these studies (particularly those by nonspecialists) is an assumption that postcommunism is but a variation on a larger theme, that is, recent transitions from authoritarian to democratic rule.
The Children of Light and the Children of Darkness Get access The Children of Light and the Children of Darkness. A Vindication of Democracy and a Critique of its Traditional … The Children of Light and the Children of Darkness Get access The Children of Light and the Children of Darkness. A Vindication of Democracy and a Critique of its Traditional Defenders. By Reinhold Niebuhr, D.D., Professor of Christian Ethics, Union Theological Seminary. 1945. (London: Nisbet. 7¾″ × 5″. viii + 128 pp. 7s. 6d.) David Mitrany David Mitrany Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 21, Issue 4, October 1945, Page 524, https://doi.org/10.2307/3018352 Published: 01 October 1945
Preface and Acknowledgements 1. Introduction: Postsocialism as a Topic of Anthropological Investigation (i) Farewell to the socialist 'other' Chris Hann, (ii) Does the category 'postsocialist' still make sense? Caroline Humphrey … Preface and Acknowledgements 1. Introduction: Postsocialism as a Topic of Anthropological Investigation (i) Farewell to the socialist 'other' Chris Hann, (ii) Does the category 'postsocialist' still make sense? Caroline Humphrey (iii) Whither postsocialism? Katherine Verdery Part One: Social Capital, Trust and Legitimacy 2. The Advantages of Being Collectivised Martha Lampland 3. Economic Crisis and Ritual Decline in Rural Eastern Europe Gerald Creed 4. The Social Production of Mistrust Christian Giordano and Dobrinka Kostova Part Two: Dimensions of Inequality: Gender, Class and 'Underclass' 5. Retreat to the household?: Gendered Domains in postsocialist Poland Frances Pine 6. The Unmaking of an East-Central European Working Class David Kideckel 7. Deprivation, the Roma and 'the underclass' Michael Stewart Part Three: Violent Histories and the Renewal of Identities 8. Intolerant Sovereignties and 'Multi-Multi' Protectorates: competition over religious sites and (in)tolerance in the Balkans Robert Hayden 9. Withdrawing from the Land: social and spiritual crisis in the indigenous Russian Arctic Piers Vitebsky 10. Remnants of Revolution in China Stefan Feuchtwang Part Four: Stretching Postsocialism 11. Rethinking Chinese Consumption: social palliatives and the rhetorics of transition in postsocialist China Kevin Latham 12. How Far Do Analyses of Post-Socialism travel?: the case of Central Asia Deniz Kandiyoti 13. 'Eurasia', Ideology and the Political Imagination in Provincial Russia Caroline Humphrey Part Five: Democracy Export and Global Civil Society 14. Seeding Civil Society Ruth Mandel 15. Post-Post-Socialism and the New New Elites: project society in the Balkans Steven Sampson 16. Afterword: globalism and postsocialist prospects Don Kalb Index
When we use the term "integration or amalgamation" in this book,we are taking a short form to express an alternative between integration (by the route of either pluralism or amalgamation) … When we use the term "integration or amalgamation" in this book,we are taking a short form to express an alternative between integration (by the route of either pluralism or amalgamation) and amalgamation short of integration. We have done this because unification movements in the past have often aimed at both of these goals, with some of the supporters of the movements preferring one or the other goal at different times. To encourage this profitable ambiguity, leaders of such movements have often used broader symbols such as "union", which could cover both possibilities and could be made to mean different things to different men.Deutsch et al., Political Community, 1957
The Russian-Ukrainian war has been ongoing since 2014. The full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022 resulted in profound changes to the global security, economic, social and humanitarian landscape. … The Russian-Ukrainian war has been ongoing since 2014. The full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022 resulted in profound changes to the global security, economic, social and humanitarian landscape. Additionally, it induced substantial transformations in the political life, political and economic activity, and the political reality of Ukraine. One of the most challenging issues for Ukrainian society and its authorities has been the emergence of a new social category of citizens: internally displaced persons (IDPs). They are transforming the economic landscape of certain regions by investing in real estate, securing employment and creating jobs as entrepreneurs, producing goods and providing services. IDPs have become an important part of community resilience. As members of the middle class, they are active citizens. The objective of the present article is to ascertain the most optimal and desirable forms of political participation, as perceived by IDPs themselves. The results of the qualitative study demonstrate a shift in the focus of IDP political participation, from party involvement to public activity (and potentially vice versa), signifying a novel form of political interaction between IDPs and public authorities, wherein IDPs present their own interests in public spaces. The authors conducted 201 individual face-to-face interviews with internally displaced persons from temporarily occupied regions of Ukraine and the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, who had relocated to the Odesa, Vinnytsia and Kirovohrad oblasts. The findings of the study indicate a decline in the interest of IDPs in conventional political parties, accompanied by an increase in their engagement with civic initiatives and volunteering. A mere 3% of respondents indicated their intention to become party members in the near future, while a significant majority (69.2%) sought to demonstrate their activity in the public sector. This phenomenon suggests the emergence of a novel model of political participation in Ukraine, wherein civic engagement, as opposed to the influence of oligarchic parties (vertically organized leadership-type parties financed by monopolies), serves as the primary form of influence on socio-political processes. In this context, the question arises of whether civic activity and self-organization will be able to transform the oligarchic party system or if they will become its complement. The present study seeks to explore the influence of IDPs as a catalyst for civic mobilisation and economic sustainability of communities through the volunteer movement, self-organisation in communities, and rear unit leadership. It is argued that IDPs act as important "agents of influence" in this process. The potential of the public sector as an alternative to traditional party politics is indicated. It is also noteworthy that 27.9% of respondents expressed disinterest in both politics and civic activities. Concurrently, an augmentation in the number of public initiatives and projects implemented by IDPs has been documented.
Ondřej Pilný | Cambridge University Press eBooks
Galyna Starodubets | Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University Series History
The purpose of the article is to analyze the genesis of scientific concepts of the phenomenon of totalitarianism during the second half of the ХХ th - first third of … The purpose of the article is to analyze the genesis of scientific concepts of the phenomenon of totalitarianism during the second half of the ХХ th - first third of the ХХІ th century through the prism of the structural matrix of characteristic features and peculiarities of its manifestation in Europe and the USSR. Research methodology. The proposed study is based on the use of a historical and comparative approach to understanding the phenomenon of “totalitarianism”. The main basis for the work was a classification analysis of the available literature, which was studied taking into account several time periods: the period after World War II to the present. The scientific novelty of the study is an attempt to analyze the concepts of totalitarianism proposed by contemporary Western intellectuals, in particular, scholars from Poland, Italy and Germany, through the prism of comparing them with the classical concepts of the second half of the twentieth century. Conclusions. The results of our scientific work give grounds to conclude that the process of studying the phenomenon of totalitarianism is discrete. Its intensification and waning of scholarly interest are synchronized with global socio-political changes. The optics of scholarly interest in “totalitarianism” has shifted in different periods from the classical liberal concept to the post-totalitarian theory of the authoritarian state. European studies of the totalitarian phenomenon make it possible to identify and explain the reasons for the spread and popularity of totalitarian ideas and views, which, having been formalized into a certain system of values, meet the needs of political authorities to justify the goals related to consolidating their economic and political dominance and expanding their spheres of influence. Obviously, the direct revival of political and legal systems with a developed “machine” of political terror is hardly possible, but ideologies that serve as the ideological basis of totalitarian regimes are very resilient and capable of a kind of modernization, as exemplified by the ideology of ruscism. Totalitarianism, as a historical phenomenon, is not a complete event for us, since most of the countries in which the process of dismantling totalitarian political structures began in the early 1990s are still in a state of “transition.” First of all, this concerns the public consciousness, which is carried by a person formed by a totalitarian system.
The purpose of the article is to undertake a rigorous analysis of the strategic preparation and practical implementation of agitation and propaganda initiatives orchestrated by Soviet underground networks and partisan … The purpose of the article is to undertake a rigorous analysis of the strategic preparation and practical implementation of agitation and propaganda initiatives orchestrated by Soviet underground networks and partisan detachments operating within the Lviv region during the period of German occupation. The methodology of the research employs a carefully considered synthesis of fundamental scientific methods and specialized historical inquiry approaches, directed towards the identification, detailed description, and critical explanation of the underlying causes and mechanisms driving the aforementioned agitation and propaganda activities executed by participants in the Soviet underground-partisan movement. The scientific novelty of this study lies in the primary introduction into public scholarly discourse of previously unexamined archival sources drawn from the holdings of the Central State Archive of Public Associations of Ukraine and the State Archive of the Lviv Region. These primary materials facilitate a critical reassessment of established ideological tenets within Soviet historiography and afford an opportunity for a more objective evaluation of the principal agents engaged in the military-political contestation unfolding in the German-occupied rear—specifically within the territory constituting the former Lviv Region of the Ukrainian SSR, which formed an integral part of the "Galicia" District under the General Government of occupied Polish lands. The conclusions of this investigation demonstrate the circumscribed presence of Soviet partisan and underground organizations within the Lviv region. Emphasis is placed on their tenuous connections with the indigenous Ukrainian populace, a circumstance attributed to the biographical trajectories of the movement's organizers and a significant portion of its participants, who predominantly originated from the eastern regions of the USSR and the Ukrainian SSR or comprised local Polish individuals. The study further elucidates the organizational and propagandistic interdependencies between Soviet underground combatants and partisans, and the Polish anti-Nazi resistance movement, which espoused pro-Soviet ideological orientations. Particular scholarly attention is devoted to the pivotal role played by the latter in the initial developmental phases of the Soviet underground in Lviv and its immediate vicinity during the years 1942–1943. The article provides a detailed analysis of the diverse forms and methodological approaches characterizing the agitation and propaganda activities undertaken by Soviet underground operatives and partisans in the Lviv region throughout the German occupation, alongside an assessment of their discernible impact on the local population. It is posited that contemporary instruments designed for the study of modern public opinion are ill-suited for accurately gauging the nature and extent of communicative influence on public consciousness during the exigencies of the Second World War. Nevertheless, through the synthesis of data concerning the dissemination of printed propaganda materials and publications, it can be asserted that Soviet underground structures engaged in systematic endeavors to shape the socio-political attitudes of the local, notably Polish, population — through explicit appeals for resistance against the Nazi occupation regime and, more specifically, through targeted opposition to the OUN–UPA. While the overarching objective of broadening the social base of support for Soviet formations and augmenting their numerical strength via intensive informational and psychological influence – primarily through the medium of printed propaganda – was not fully realized, from a historical vantage point, certain latent strategic aims were partially accomplished. This was particularly evident during the spring and summer of 1944, through the intensification of Ukrainian–Polish antagonisms.
Ravel Kodrič | Založba Univerze v Ljubljani (University of Ljubljana Press) eBooks
Proletkult – gibanje za neposredno kulturno dejavnost in umetniško ustvarjanje proletariata, ki se je v Rusiji po revoluciji navdihovalo pri nauku Aleksandra A. Bogdanova – je na sprva zasedeno in … Proletkult – gibanje za neposredno kulturno dejavnost in umetniško ustvarjanje proletariata, ki se je v Rusiji po revoluciji navdihovalo pri nauku Aleksandra A. Bogdanova – je na sprva zasedeno in nato Italiji priključeno Primorsko odjeknil iz nemških in italijanskih delavskih občil. Organizacijsko se je cepil na starejše prosvetno izročilo tržaškega Ljudskega odra in njegovih podružnic od Posočja do zaledja Kvarnerskega zaliva. Pomemben pobudnik in pospeševalec je bil iz delavskega Torina Antonio Gramsci z listom L'Ordine Nuovo. V državno vodstvo proletkulta je iz Primorske pritegnil Ivana Regenta. Na Tržaškem so v tedniku Delo, v Učiteljskem listu in Komunističnem koledarju za navadno leto 1922 svoja peresa v isto smer zastavili Dragotin Gustinčič, Jože Pertot in Alojzij Hreščak. Za njegov razmah sta se posebej zavzela mladeniča in ožja prijatelja Vladimir Martelanc kot kulturni urednik pri Delu in Srečko Kosovel v krogu Mladine.
Олексій Шишкін | Міжнародні відносини суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії
The article is devoted to the political science analysis of the concept of na- tional identity in the context of globalisation processes and socio-political challenges. The author explores the multidimensional … The article is devoted to the political science analysis of the concept of na- tional identity in the context of globalisation processes and socio-political challenges. The author explores the multidimensional nature of national identity, which is shaped by cultural, historical, linguistic, territorial, and political factors that unite people into a national community. The article con- siders national identity as a key element of political stability, social cohe- sion, and the integration of citizens in multinational societies. Particular at- tention is given to the psychological aspect of national identity, its influence on the formation of national pride, and its interaction with the political views of citizens. The author employs various methods to study this phenomenon, including a systemic approach, comparative analysis, etc. The article also draws on research by leading theorists in political science and sociology, who explore national identity through different criteria such as citizenship, language, re- ligion, and historical memory. The article also highlights the relevance of researching national identity in Ukraine in wartime. The conclusions underline the need to examine these processes to understand changes in national identity during wartime, as well as the formation of new forms and symbols of national belonging in contem- porary Ukrainian society. This research holds potential for further academic exploration, especially in light of Ukraine’s socio-political transformation in the post-war period.
Romantic poetry is known to have engendered a potent discursive space in 19th-century Europe, wherein national aspirations, personal tragedies, and mythic narratives coalesced. This study examines the recurring images of … Romantic poetry is known to have engendered a potent discursive space in 19th-century Europe, wherein national aspirations, personal tragedies, and mythic narratives coalesced. This study examines the recurring images of the “galloping horse” and the “self-sacrificing cavalryman” in 19th-century Romantic poetry in the context of a common poetic myth shaped around the themes of national identity, spiritual transcendence, and historical destiny. The present study focuses on Adam Mickiewicz’s “Faris” and Nikoloz Baratashvili’s “Merani”, employing a comparative literary and philosophical approach to analyze these two works. This study reveals that “Faris” presents a messianic call around the ideal of freedom of the Polish nation, while “Merani” is structured as an individual tragedy and inner journey. Both poems are positioned within a broader poetic paradigm that can be called the “Faris” Cycle, and they can be compared thematically and imaginatively with the works of Goethe, Petőfi, Sully Prudhomme, and Vazha-Pshavela. This study explores the aesthetic and intellectual dimensions of intercultural interaction by analyzing the poetic transitions between the two poles of the Romantic paradigm: collective hope and individual melancholy, action, and inner intuition. By tracing the interplay between national poetics and universal archetypes, this manuscript investigates how such interaction facilitates the symbolic transformation of historical traumas.
A.V. Tolmacheva , Елена Викторук , Larysa Lisina | Scientific Research and Development Socio-Humanitarian Research and Technology
The article analyzes the transformation of the image of the USSR's ally in the Anti-Hitler coalition in the Great Patriotic War based on the material of Russian cinema from 1945 … The article analyzes the transformation of the image of the USSR's ally in the Anti-Hitler coalition in the Great Patriotic War based on the material of Russian cinema from 1945 to 1991, examines the stages in changing this image and the main trends. The author's system of criteria (scientific tools) is presented, which makes it possible to analyze changes in the image of an ally in the domestic cinema of the specified period. The importance of the socio-political reception of the "image of an ally" as a way (mechanism) of influencing public consciousness by the mass media is substantiated. The article considers the correlation of artistic, political, social and economic components in films about the war of different periods, which determine the degree of ideological influence on the audience and mass consciousness in a changing world. Conclusions are drawn about the dynamics of the image of the ally, its artistic, social, cultural and political significance in various eras of the post-war Soviet cinema.
The article is devoted to the events of the Great Patriotic War, connected with the second attempt of the troops of Nazi Germany to seize the territory of the North … The article is devoted to the events of the Great Patriotic War, connected with the second attempt of the troops of Nazi Germany to seize the territory of the North Caucasus, namely the confrontation of the Soviet troops of the 12th Army of the North Caucasian Front with the troops of the Wehrmacht during the acute period of the summer German offensive of 1942 using tank and motorized divisions of Army Group A. Newly introduced archival documents stored in the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, as well as materials published on the portal “Memory of the People”, the works of foreign, Soviet and Russian re-searchers allowed the authors to consider in more detail the reasons for the unsuccessful attempts of the 12th Army to stop the rapid advance of the Wehrmacht troops to the south, which took place between the Don and Kuban rivers in late July – early August 1942.
В статье освещается проблема соперничества различных политических и военных деятелей за право возглавить войска в районе Царицына в период с конца весны до середины лета 1918 г. Основными источниками статьи … В статье освещается проблема соперничества различных политических и военных деятелей за право возглавить войска в районе Царицына в период с конца весны до середины лета 1918 г. Основными источниками статьи стали опубликованные и неопубликованные воспоминания участников событий, делопроизводственные документы и телеграммы царицынских государственных органов и политических деятелей. С опорой как на известные, так и впервые вводимые в оборот источники автор анализирует противостояние членов местного военного органа, Штаба обороны Советов, и присланного из Москвы руководства Северо-Кавказского военного округа. До определенного периода противоборство не приводило к явному перевесу одной из сторон. Автор отмечает, что прибывший 6 июня 1918 г. в Царицын И.В. Сталин достаточно быстро начал предпринимать шаги к сосредоточению военного руководства в своих руках. Его основной опорой в этом процессе стали две силы: лидеры местной власти, в первую очередь С.К. Минин, и войска под командованием К.Е. Ворошилова, отошедшие к Царицыну с Донбасса. Особое внимание автор статьи заостряет на быстро наметившемся конфликте между двумя этими силами. Он привел к тому, что на многих руководящих постах в Царицыне оказались именно люди из окружения Ворошилова, их ключевые назначения прослеживаются в работе. И.В. Сталину удалось использовать баланс двух сил, местной власти и группы Ворошилова, для наступления на руководство Северо-Кавказского военного округа (СКВО), итогом которого явилось образование Военного совета СКВО, ставшего во главе решения всех военных вопросов округа. В Военный совет вошли И.В. Сталин, С.К. Минин и К.Е. Ворошилов. В рамках приведенных в статье фактов, автор рассматривает этот состав как отражение баланса ключевых политических сил, находившихся в Царицыне в этот период. The article deals with the problem of rivalry between various political and military figures for the right to lead troops in the Tsaritsyn area in the period between late spring and mid-summer of 1918. The main sources of the article include published and unpublished memoirs of the participants in the events, records and telegrams of Tsaritsyn government agencies and political figures. On the basis of both well-known sources and those introduced into scholarly discourse for the first time, the author analyzes the confrontation between the members of the local military authority, the Defense Headquarters of the Soviets, and the leadership of the North Caucasus Military District (SKVO) who had been sent from Moscow. Until a certain moment, the struggle had not led to a clear victory of either party. The author points out that Stalin who arrived in Tsaritsyn on June 6, 1918 quickly began to take steps to concentrate the military leadership in his own hands. Two forces rendered him his main support in the process: the leaders of the local government, primarily S. Minin, and the troops under the command of K. Voroshilov, who retreated to Tsaritsyn from Donbas. The author of the article focuses on the rapidly emerging conflict between these two forces. It led to the fact that people from Voroshilov’s entourage found themselves in many leadership positions in Tsaritsyn, and the key appointments are retraced in the article. Stalin managed to use the balance of two forces, the local government and Voroshilov’s group, to attack the leadership of the North Caucasus Military District. It resulted in the formation of the SKVO Military Council, which headed the solution of all military issues in the district. The Military Council included J. Stalin, S. Minin, and K. Voroshilov. Within the framework of the facts presented in the article, the author considers this membership as a reflection of the balance of key political forces present in Tsaritsyn during the period under study.
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Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza zmian w polityce bezpieczeństwa i obronności RFN po przemówieniu kanclerza Olafa Scholza wygłoszonym w Bundestagu 27 lutego 2022 r., w którym ogłosił on Zeitenwende (pol. … Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza zmian w polityce bezpieczeństwa i obronności RFN po przemówieniu kanclerza Olafa Scholza wygłoszonym w Bundestagu 27 lutego 2022 r., w którym ogłosił on Zeitenwende (pol. epokową zmianę). Deklaracja ta obejmowała szeroko pojętą transformację niemieckiej polityki, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem zwiększenia finansowania Bundeswehry oraz wsparcia dla broniącej się Ukrainy. W artykule przeanalizowano zmiany zachodzące w Bundeswehrze w wymiarze politycznym, społecznym i finansowym, a także oceniono skuteczność reform i ich wpływ na gotowość bojową sił zbrojnych. Główne pytanie badawcze dotyczyło procesu reformowania Bundeswehry po ogłoszeniu Zeitenwende oraz konsekwencji tych zmian dla jej zdolności operacyjnych. W badaniu zastosowano metodę process tracing wspartą analizą treści, co pozwoliło na rekonstrukcję sytuacji poprzedzającej reformy oraz ocenę ich efektów.
Abstract By conducting Bakhtinian dialogic discourse analysis, this article shows how the EU (re)constructs its sense of the Self vis‐à‐vis two constitutive Others – Russia and Ukraine – since the … Abstract By conducting Bakhtinian dialogic discourse analysis, this article shows how the EU (re)constructs its sense of the Self vis‐à‐vis two constitutive Others – Russia and Ukraine – since the Russian full‐scale invasion in February 2022. It argues that the EU has been able to renew its Self‐image as a ‘peace project’ and a ‘normative power’, whilst also embracing more fully the idea of a ‘geopolitical’ EU. Its relations with Ukraine continue to be characterised by the ‘politics of ambiguity’, whereby Ukraine is kept in a liminal state despite its new role of a ‘frontier’ that contributes to EU security. The EU may be said to be facing a dilemma between solidarity and inclusion versus securitisation and re‐bordering. In terms of identity construction, this denotes a tension between a Self that depends on securitised binaries and a Self that transcends this dialectic via a dialogic celebration of alterity.
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The article is devoted to a ‘ballad’ / ‘small epic poem’ (in the author’s definitions of the genre) of Fortinbras, the most detailed and conceptually relevant Shakespearean text penned by … The article is devoted to a ‘ballad’ / ‘small epic poem’ (in the author’s definitions of the genre) of Fortinbras, the most detailed and conceptually relevant Shakespearean text penned by Shalamov in 1954–1955 with a clearly drawn parallel between Fortinbras and Stalin. Shalamov may have been familiar with Pasternak’s translation of Hamlet , the article therefore relates Olga Freidenberg’s perception of the tragedy and the character of Fortinbras gleaned from her correspondence with Pasternak. Shalamov views Fortinbras as a ruler who has triumphed in his pursuit of power and to whom everybody still standing pays obeisance — in other words, Shalamov may have alluded to Stalin. The original documentary quality of Shakespearian allusions is further developed by Shalamov’s metaphysical subject. Had ‘Fortinbras’ been published in the 1950s or 1960s, it would have easily resonated with the readers, who were quick to pick up on a Stalin subtext. Shalamov intended to include the ballad in his first volumes of collected works as early as in 1961, but the only publication during his lifetime happened much later, in the last collection of poems The Boiling Point [ Tochka kipeniya ] (1977), with 10 out of the original 36 stanzas.
The article analyzes the artistic depiction of the existential tragedy of Ukrainianness in contemporary national documentary post-drama about the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2022 – 2025. The research methodology is based … The article analyzes the artistic depiction of the existential tragedy of Ukrainianness in contemporary national documentary post-drama about the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2022 – 2025. The research methodology is based on an interdisciplinary approach that combines strategies of literary analysis, existential philosophy and psychology, the study of collective and historical trauma, and postcolonial criticism. Documentary post-drama serves as a medium for collective testimony and memorialization, capturing the war experience in an artistic dimension. It contributes to the preservation of memory, plays a therapeutic role by helping society process traumatic experiences, and functions as an instrument of identification, shaping a new national narrative. In wartime conditions, theater becomes a means of preserving historical memory, providing therapy through art, and fostering a new perspective on national self-awareness. Theatrical art not only documents events but also transforms collective perceptions of the Ukrainian nation, its struggle, and its future. Moreover, the war has altered the very essence of theater – it has become an act of resistance that records history in real-time. Theater is no longer merely a form of artistic expression but a crucial witness of the era, actively responding to current events and shaping a new nationally oriented cultural reality.
This article tries to ground the feeling of hate in the context of the largescale war started by Russia against Ukraine on the 24th of February 2022 through poetic texts … This article tries to ground the feeling of hate in the context of the largescale war started by Russia against Ukraine on the 24th of February 2022 through poetic texts and testimonies, for the most released in the media and social networks. Cet article tente de circonscrire le sentiment de la haine dans le contexte de la guerre à grande échelle déclenchée par la Russie contre l’Ukraine le 24 février 2022, à travers les textes poétiques et les témoignages essentiellement parus dans la presse ou sur les réseaux sociaux.