Social Sciences â€ș Political Science and International Relations

Multiculturalism, Politics, Migration, Gender

Description

This cluster of papers explores the intersection of reform, family law, and democratic progress in North African and Middle Eastern countries, with a focus on the impact of Islam, gender dynamics, social change, and migration. It delves into the complexities of political Islam, the role of religion in society, and the challenges and advancements in promoting democracy within these regions.

Keywords

Reform; Family Law; Democracy; Islam; Gender; Social Change; Migration; Religion; North Africa; Political Islam

Il ne nous viendrait pas a l’idee de demander a ces negres de corriger la conception qu’ils se font de l’histoire. D’ailleurs, nous sommes persuade que, sans le savoir, ils 
 Il ne nous viendrait pas a l’idee de demander a ces negres de corriger la conception qu’ils se font de l’histoire. D’ailleurs, nous sommes persuade que, sans le savoir, ils entrent dans nos vues, habitues qu’ils sont a parler et a penser en termes de present. Les quelques camarades ouvriers que j’ai eu l’occasion de rencontrer a Paris ne se sont jamais pose le probleme de la decouverte d’un passe negre. Ils savaient qu’ils etaient noirs, mais, me disaient-ils, cela ne change rien a rien. En q...
Le concept de « capital social » forge par Pierre Bourdieu est aujourd’hui largement utilise dans la sociologie anglophone. Ce transfert des sociologues francophones vers leurs collegues anglophones est suffisamment 
 Le concept de « capital social » forge par Pierre Bourdieu est aujourd’hui largement utilise dans la sociologie anglophone. Ce transfert des sociologues francophones vers leurs collegues anglophones est suffisamment rare pour etre souligne. Dans La Distinction (1979), Pierre Bourdieu resume la hierarchie sociale au travers des concepts de « capital economique » et de « capital culturel ». Puis dans l’article presente ici`renvoi id=re1no34 idref=no34 typeref=noteb1`/renvoib, initialement publie en 1980, il ajoute le « capital social », ensemble des ressources actuelles ou potentielles liees au reseau social. Le capital social n’est pas independant des deux autres types de capitaux : il n’existe que parce que les contacts sont eux-memes dotes de capitaux economique et culturel. Ainsi, selon la celebre metaphore du capital, le reseau s’accumule, se legue (principalement au sein de la famille) et rapporte des profits materiels et symboliques. Les individus et les groupes se livrent a un travail (conscient ou non) d’investissement en capital social dans les echanges sociaux, qui cree des obligations mutuelles (comme le montrent ses travaux sur le don en Kabylie) et des signes de reconnaissance (confere l’etude des pratiques socialement selectives).
Outline of a Theory of Practice is recognized as a major theoretical text on the foundations of anthropology and sociology. Pierre Bourdieu, a distinguished French anthropologist, develops a theory of 
 Outline of a Theory of Practice is recognized as a major theoretical text on the foundations of anthropology and sociology. Pierre Bourdieu, a distinguished French anthropologist, develops a theory of practice which is simultaneously a critique of the methods and postures of social science and a general account of how human action should be understood. With his central concept of the habitus, the principle which negotiates between objective structures and practices, Bourdieu is able to transcend the dichotomies which have shaped theoretical thinking about the social world. The author draws on his fieldwork in Kabylia (Algeria) to illustrate his theoretical propositions. With detailed study of matrimonial strategies and the role of rite and myth, he analyses the dialectical process of the 'incorporation of structures' and the objectification of habitus, whereby social formations tend to reproduce themselves. A rigorous consistent materialist approach lays the foundations for a theory of symbolic capital and, through analysis of the different modes of domination, a theory of symbolic power.
This article goes behind stereotypes of Muslim veiling to ask after the representational structure underlying these images. I examine the public debate leading to the 2004 French law banning conspicuous 
 This article goes behind stereotypes of Muslim veiling to ask after the representational structure underlying these images. I examine the public debate leading to the 2004 French law banning conspicuous religious signs in schools and French colonial attitudes to veiling in Algeria, in conjunction with discourses on the veil that have arisen in other western contexts. My argument is that western perceptions and representations of veiled Muslim women are not simply about Muslim women themselves. Rather than representing Muslim women, these images fulfill a different function: they provide the negative mirror in which western constructions of identity and gender can be positively reflected. It is by means of the projection of gender oppression onto Islam, and its naturalization to the bodies of veiled women, that such mirroring takes place. This constitutes, I argue, a form of racialization. Drawing on the work of Fanon, Merleau-Ponty and Alcoff, I offer a phenomenological analysis of this racializing vision. What is at stake is a form of cultural racism that functions in the guise of anti-sexist and feminist liberatory discourse, at once posing a dilemma to feminists and concealing its racializing logic.
A comprehensive comparative study of the distinct ideas and political arguments that have shaped French and British policies towards their ethnic minorities, and the effects of these intellectual frameworks at 
 A comprehensive comparative study of the distinct ideas and political arguments that have shaped French and British policies towards their ethnic minorities, and the effects of these intellectual frameworks at local, national and European levels. Charting the politics and events that brought the respective institutional solutions together, the author sets out the divergent conceptualisations of citizenship, nationality, pluralism, autonomy, public order and tolerance that make up the national 'philosophies' in the two countries - republican integration in France and multicultural race relations in Britain. This new edition, published in paperback, contains a new preface bringing the volume up-to-date in the light of new legislation and progress.
Sociological theories of migration and refugee movements are reviewed and revised in the light of recent developments in structuration theory. Specifically, the dichotomy between 'voluntary' and 'involuntary' or forced migration 
 Sociological theories of migration and refugee movements are reviewed and revised in the light of recent developments in structuration theory. Specifically, the dichotomy between 'voluntary' and 'involuntary' or forced migration is replaced by a continuum between proactive and reactive migration. A systems model is proposed which identifies predisposing factors, structural constraints, precipitating events, enabling circumstances and system feedback. A multivariate typology of reactive migration is described and some policy conclusions drawn.
Abstract Engaging with a figure that came to operate as a powerful cultural signifier of otherness in debates over migrant/Muslim integration across the West, the 'veiled woman'; the paper questions 
 Abstract Engaging with a figure that came to operate as a powerful cultural signifier of otherness in debates over migrant/Muslim integration across the West, the 'veiled woman'; the paper questions the idea of agency that inheres in the contemporary feminist discourses on Muslim veil. After showing the shortcomings and adverse effects of two dominant readings of the Muslim veil, as a symbol of women's subordination to men, or as an act of resistance to Western hegemony, it explores an alternative avenue drawing on both the poststructuralist critique of the humanist subject and feminist intersectional theorising to answer the question of what kind of conception of agency can help us to think about the agency of the veiled woman without binding a priori the meaning of her veiling to the teleology of emancipation, whether feminist or anti-imperialist. Keywords: AgencyFeminist DiscoursesIntersectionalityMuslim VeilOrientalism Acknowledgements I thank anonymous reviewers and Ann Denis for their incisive comments. Notes 1. Unlike the women's movements which had to deal, for several decades now, with hegemonic uses of the 'women's question' to legitimise colonial domination and exclusion of racialised minorities from citizenship, for the global LGBT/queer movements the incorporation of their 'cause' and rhetoric into the sexual and racial politics of the Western nationalism and imperialism represents a new political moment. See CitationPuar. 2. Much of the literature uses synonymously veil, hijab and headscarf, which are distinguished from other forms of more covering Islamic dress such as jilbab, niqab and burqa. I conform to this use. 3. One notorious formulation of this antagonistic frame is CitationOkin's 'multiculturalism vs. Feminism'. 4. For a recent questioning of agency in the context of religious submission, see Mack; Hollywood ("Gender"); Avishai; Bracke; and the groundbreaking work of Mahmood, offering an invaluable critique of the conflation of agency with resistance, which remains, unlike the subordination frame, largely uncontested. 5. Alternative Biblical and Quranic reinterpretations proposed by feminist theologians aim precisely to reappropriate religion. 6. For the Habermasian feminist philosopher Seyla Benhabib, feminism cannot afford to adopt the rhetoric of the 'death of the subject' and reject notions such as agency, autonomy and selfhood (Mackenzie and Stoljar 28). Departing from the orthodox humanism relying on the Kantian conception of the subject as independent from the social world, and hence capable of being the sole author of her own actions, Benhabib's liberal approach to agency sees humans as profoundly situated, embedded in social life and discourse which condition their personhood and agency. Yet her situated subject constituted through a complex net of social relations still bears the trace of pre-discursive self (however small), which remains the source of agency (CitationBarvosa-Carter 125). 7. MichĂšle AndrĂ©, the Secretary of State for Women's Rights declared: "adolescent girls should not become the object of controversies that are beyond them, and the Republican school should not be submitted to religious pressures of fathers and brothers" ("Affaire" 14). 8. From an anthropological perspective, the native/indigenous informant is an intercultural mediator translating her culture for the researcher/outsider, hence the term 'cultural insider'. 9. Such as, Ayaan Hirsi Ali (Netherlands), Necla Kelek and Seyran Ates (Germany), Irshad Mandji (Canada) and Fadela Amara and Chahdortt Djavann (France). 10. Neither Whores, Nor Doormats/Submissive. 11. I draw here on stimulating conceptualisations by CitationCollins (299), who defines it as "the overall organization of hierarchical power relations for any society" having "(1) a particular arrangement of intersecting systems of oppression, e.g. race, social class, gender [
]; and (2) a particular organization of its domains of power, e.g. structural, disciplinary, hegemonic, and interpersonal". 12. Yet we should remind that the Butlerian approach's capacity to transcend the subordination/resistance frame has been called into question, because of her propensity to read as politically positive resistant/subversive resignification processes, for instance, agencies. See CitationHollywood ("Performativity" 107) and Mahmood (19–22). 13. CitationPritchard (278) makes a similar claim in her materialist account of 'relative agency'. I prefer the term 'intersectional agency', for I specifically attempt to bring the normative and empirical insights of intersectionality to supplement the poststructuralist conception. 14. As pointed out by CitationMcNay (191), Butler herself acknowledged this lack in her work. Additional informationNotes on contributorsSirma Bilge An Assistant Professor of Sociology at UniversitĂ© de MontrĂ©al, Sirma Bilge is also the director of the Intersectionality Research Pole at the Centre for Ethnic Studies of Montreal Universities (CEETUM). Her work engages with articulations of gender, sexualities and ethnicity within the politics of nation and race. She is currently conducting research on matrimonial practices among young people from migrant background in Montreal
Pour tenter d'analyser la domination masculine, forme par excellence de la violence symbolique, on s'est appuyĂ© sur les recherches ethnologiques menĂ©es chez les Kabyles, berbĂ©rophones d'Afrique du nord. VĂ©ritable conservatoire 
 Pour tenter d'analyser la domination masculine, forme par excellence de la violence symbolique, on s'est appuyĂ© sur les recherches ethnologiques menĂ©es chez les Kabyles, berbĂ©rophones d'Afrique du nord. VĂ©ritable conservatoire culturel, cette sociĂ©tĂ© montagnarde a maintenu tout Ă  fait vivant, notamment dans ses pratiques rituelles, dans sa poĂ©sie et ses traditions orales, un systĂšme de principes de vision et de division qui est commun Ă  tout le monde mĂ©diterranĂ©en et qui survit, encore aujourd'hui, dans nos structures mentales et, partiellement, dans nos structures sociales. On peut donc traiter le cas de la Kabylie comme une "image grossie" oĂč se lisent plus aisĂ©ment les structures fondamentales de la vision du monde masculine. De cette lecture, il ressort d'abord que, du fait de l'accord immĂ©diat entre d'un cĂŽtĂ© les structures sociales telles qu'elles s'expriment par exemple dans l'organisation de l'espace et du temps ou dans la division sexuelle du travail, et de l'autre les structures mentales, ou, plus prĂ©cisĂ©ment, les principes de vision et de division inscrits dans les corps et dans les cerveaux, l'ordre masculin s'impose sur le mode de l'Ă©vidence, comme parfaitement naturel. En effet, les dominĂ©s -dans le cas particulier, les femmes- appliquent Ă  toute chose du monde et, en particulier, Ă  la relation de domination dans laquelle ils sont pris et aux personnes Ă  travers lesquelles cette relation s'accomplit, donc aussi Ă  leur propre personne, des schĂšmes de pensĂ©e impensĂ©s qui, Ă©tant le produit de l'incorporation de la relation de pouvoir sous la forme de couples d'opposition (haut/bas, grand/petit, etc.), construisent cette relation du point de vue mĂȘme des dominants, la faisant apparaĂźtre comme naturelle. La violence symbolique s'accomplit au travers d'un acte de mĂ©-connais-sance et de reconnaissance qui se situe hors des contrĂŽles de la conscience et de la volontĂ©, dans l'obscuritĂ© des schĂšmes pratiques de l'habitus. Le travail de socialisation tend Ă  opĂ©rer une somatisa-tion des rapports de domination. D'abord par une construction sociale de la vision du sexe biologique, qui sert elle-mĂȘme de fondement Ă  toute la vision mythique du monde. Ensuite par l'inculcation d'une hexis corporelle dont on peut dire qu'elle est une politique incorporĂ©e. A travers ce double travail d'inculcation sexuellement diffĂ©renciĂ© et diffĂ©renciant, s'imposent aux hommes et aux femmes des dispositions diffĂ©rentes Ă  l'Ă©gard des jeux sociaux tenus pour les plus importants, comme, dans la sociĂ©tĂ© kabyle, les jeux de l'honneur et de la guerre, propices Ă  l'exhibition de la virilitĂ©, ou, dans des sociĂ©tĂ©s diffĂ©renciĂ©es, tous les jeux les plus hautement valorisĂ©s, politique, art, science, etc. C'est cette relation d'exclusion originaire que l'on peut analyser en s'appuyant sur le roman de Virginia Woolf, La promenade au phare : ignorant YĂŻllusio qui porte Ă  s'engager dans les grands jeux sociaux, les femmes sont affranchies de la libido dominandi et portĂ©es, de ce fait, Ă  jeter un regard relativement lucide sur les jeux masculins auxquels elles ne participent, normalement, que par procuration. Il reste Ă  expliquer le statut infĂ©rieur qui est Ă  peu prĂšs universellement imparti Ă  la femme. Pour cela, il faut prendre en compte la dissymĂ©trie des statuts qui sont assignĂ©s aux deux sexes dans l'Ă©conomie des Ă©changes symboliques : tandis que les hommes sont les sujets des stratĂ©gies matrimoniales Ă  travers lesquelles ils travaillent Ă  maintenir ou Ă  augmenter leur capital symbolique, les femmes sont toujours traitĂ©es en objets de ces Ă©changes dans lesquels elles circulent en tant que symboles, capables de sceller des alliances. Etant ainsi investies d'une fonction symbolique, elles sont contraintes de travailler en permanence Ă  conserver en Ă©tat leur valeur symbolique en se conformant Ă  l'idĂ©al masculin de la vertu fĂ©minine comme pudeur et chastetĂ© et en se dotant de tous les attributs corporels et cosmĂ©tiques propres Ă  accroĂźtre leur rayonnement et leur charme corporels. Le statut d'objets qui est fait aux femmes ne se voit jamais aussi bien que dans la place que le systĂšme mythi-co-rituel kabyle accorde Ă  leur contribution Ă  la procrĂ©ation : paradoxalement, le travail proprement fĂ©minin de gestation est niĂ© au profit de l'intervention masculine dans l'acte sexuel. De mĂȘme, dans nos sociĂ©tĂ©s, la part privilĂ©giĂ©e que les femmes prennent Ă  la production proprement symbolique, tant au sein de l'unitĂ© domestique qu'au dehors, reste toujours dissimulĂ©e et, en tout cas, minorĂ©e. Il s'ensuit que la libĂ©ration des femmes ne peut ĂȘtre attendue que d'une rĂ©volution symbolique mettant en cause les fondements mĂȘmes de la production et de la reproduction du capital symbolique et, en particulier, de la dialectique de la prĂ©tention et de la distinction qui est le principe de la production et de la consommation de biens culturels traitĂ©s comme signes de distinction.
Deconstructing the Nation examines the connection between racism and the development of the nation-state in modern France. The author raises important questions about the nature of citizenship rights in modern 
 Deconstructing the Nation examines the connection between racism and the development of the nation-state in modern France. The author raises important questions about the nature of citizenship rights in modern French society and contributes to wider European debates on citizenship. By challenging the myths of the modern French nation Maxim Silverman opens up the debate on questions of immigration, racism, the nation and citizenship in France to non-French speaking readers. Until quite recently these matters have largely been ignored by researchers in Britain and the USA. However, European integration has made it essential to look beyond national frontiers. The major part of his analysis concerns the period from the end of the 1960s to the beginning of the 1990s. Yet contemporary developments are placed in a historical context: first through a consideration of the construction of the modern question of immigration since the second half of the nineteenth century, and second through a survey of political, economic and social developments since 1945. There are analyses of the major debates on nationality in 1987 and the headscarf' affair of 1989. Finally questions of immigration, racism and citizenship are considered within the framework of European integration.
Purpose This paper attempts to present varying discourses pertaining to women's work and how it is impacted by interpretations of Islam. Design/methodology/approach Current discourses from various viewpoints are presented including 
 Purpose This paper attempts to present varying discourses pertaining to women's work and how it is impacted by interpretations of Islam. Design/methodology/approach Current discourses from various viewpoints are presented including Muslim scholars on the one hand and active feminists on the other. Personalities are presented as being representative of the debate that has been going on pertaining to women in Arab societies. Findings Attempts that aim at categorizing Arab thought and activism into two camps, one is religious‐based adverse to women's causes, and the other being secular and supportive of their causes does not present a candid depiction of the different forces. Research limitations/implications Personalities chosen represent specific case studies that, although thought to be representative, cannot realistically reflect all the multitudes of views expressed pertaining to the issues discussed. Future studies may cover other relevant personalities in the region. Practical implications Developing the status of women in Arab societies requires a major reassessment of Muslim history and traditions. The dialogue and debates going on among religious scholars and feminists should be continuously communicated, discussed and exposed. Readers and mangers would benefit from understanding the complexity of issues and diversity of views presented. Originality/value This paper offers a window into the world of women's work and participation in Arab societies and how such participation is impacted by Islam, or its interpretations thereof. In addition to the English sources, this paper offers an opportunity for the reader to get a glimpse of the debate that has been going on in Arabic (especially when it comes to the little known religious discourse).
RĂ©sumĂ© Le concept d’économies morales, proposĂ© par E.P. Thompson il y a quarante ans, a connu depuis lors un succĂšs non dĂ©menti mais pourtant ambigu. D’abord, dans les annĂ©es 1970 
 RĂ©sumĂ© Le concept d’économies morales, proposĂ© par E.P. Thompson il y a quarante ans, a connu depuis lors un succĂšs non dĂ©menti mais pourtant ambigu. D’abord, dans les annĂ©es 1970 et 1980, repris par le politiste James Scott, il a nourri un ensemble important de travaux, surtout anthropologiques, sur les formes de rĂ©sistance et de rĂ©bellion des paysanneries du tiers-monde. Ensuite, dans les annĂ©es 1990 et 2000, Ă  la suite de l’historienne Lorraine Daston, il a servi Ă  interprĂ©ter les rĂ©seaux de valeurs et d’affects incorporĂ©s dans le travail scientifique et au-delĂ  dans divers mondes sociaux. AprĂšs avoir fait un retour sur les analyses princeps de l’inventeur du concept pour en montrer les tensions et les paradoxes, j’examine les continuitĂ©s et les ruptures dans ses multiples descendances en prĂȘtant notamment attention aux enrichissements mais aussi aux abandons thĂ©oriques de la pĂ©riode rĂ©cente. J’avance alors une dĂ©finition plus ouverte que celle initialement donnĂ©e (en ne limitant pas le concept aux groupes dominĂ©s et en ne le restreignant pas au domaine Ă©conomique) et plus critique que celle secondairement adoptĂ©e (en restituant la dimension politique des Ă©conomies morales) et j’en propose quelques illustrations Ă  partir de mes travaux empiriques autour de l’immigration et de la violence dans diffĂ©rents contextes historiques pour en montrer le potentiel heuristique.
This article addresses the tensions that exist between the lives of city dwellers in Kinshasa, the capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo, and those official attempts currently being launched 
 This article addresses the tensions that exist between the lives of city dwellers in Kinshasa, the capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo, and those official attempts currently being launched by the Congolese government to create a new, albeit exclusionist, urban environment. During the campaign leading up to the 2006 presidential elections, President Kabila launched his "Cinq Chantiers" program, arguably the most ambitious project since the end of colonization in 1960 to overhaul the country and respond to its most pressing and urgent needs—or at least that of its elites—with regard to its urbanization. The article first situates the main phases of Kinshasa's expansion from the colonial era to the present day. It then turns to an analysis of the impact of the "Cinq Chantiers" program by examining two concrete cases: the expansion of fields in the Malebo Pool (looking at current modes of "informal" expansion of the urban space) and the development of a new urban project, the CitĂ© du Fleuve (whose progressive uplift leaves out a large swath of the population). Are these examples of an African futurity, and for whom do they envision a new kind of urban life?
We are only now beginning to realize that colonial expansion was no small force in the development of modern capitalism.It is the purpose of this chapter to show that in 
 We are only now beginning to realize that colonial expansion was no small force in the development of modern capitalism.It is the purpose of this chapter to show that in the work of that expansion the Jews played, if not the most decisive, at any rate a most prominent part.That the Jews should have been keen colonial settlers was only natural, seeing that the New World, though it was but the Old in a new garb, seemed to hold out a greater promise of happiness to them than crossgrained old Europe, more especially when their last Dorado (Spain) proved an inhospitable refuge.And this applies equally to all colonial enterprises, whether in the East or the West or the South of the globe.There were probably many Jews resident in the East Indies even in mediaeval times, 1 and when the nations of Europe, after 1498, stretched out their hands to seize the lands of an ancient civilization, the Jews were welcomed as bulwarks of European supremacy, though they came as pioneers of trade.In all likelihood -exact proofs have not yet been established -the ships of the Portuguese and of the Dutch must have brought shoals of Jewish settlers to their respective Indian possessions.At any rate, Jews participated extensively in all the Dutch settlements, including those in the East.We are told that Jews were large shareholders in the Dutch East India Company. 2 We know that the Governor of the Company who, "if he did not actually establish the power of Holland in Java, certainly contributed most to strengthen it," 3 was called Cohn (Coen).Furthermore, a glance at the portraits of the Governors of the Dutch colonies would make it appear that this Coen is not the only Jew among them. 4Jews were also Directors of the Company; 5 in short, no colonial enterprise was complete without them. 6 It is as yet unknown to what extent the Jews shared in the growth of economic life in India after the English became masters there.We have, however, fairly full information as to the participation of the Jews in the founding of the English colonies in South Africa and Australia.There is no doubt that in these regions (more particularly in Cape Colony), wellnigh all economic development was due to the Jews.In the twenties and thirties of the 19th century Benjamin Norden and Simon Marks came to South Africa, and "the industrial awakening of almost the whole interior of Cape Colony" was their work.
This paper uses census data to examine the impact on the French labor market of the 900,000 people repatriated from Algeria in 1962. Repatriates settled in regions culturally and climatically 
 This paper uses census data to examine the impact on the French labor market of the 900,000 people repatriated from Algeria in 1962. Repatriates settled in regions culturally and climatically similar to Algeria, and represented 1.6% of the total French labor force in 1968. Estimates indicate that the repatriates increased the 1968 unemployment of non-repatriates by at most 0.3 percentage points. Average annual salaries were lower by at most 1.3% in 1967 due to their arrival. No evidence is found that potential immigrants from abroad and migrants within France were discouraged from moving to areas with many repatriates.
Pierre Bourdieu : Entstehung und Struktur des religiosen Gebietes. Die Soziologie der Religion und — allgemein gesehen die Soziologie der Ideologien — wird beherrscht vom Gegensatz einerseits zwischen der Tradition, 
 Pierre Bourdieu : Entstehung und Struktur des religiosen Gebietes. Die Soziologie der Religion und — allgemein gesehen die Soziologie der Ideologien — wird beherrscht vom Gegensatz einerseits zwischen der Tradition, die die Religion als ein Kommunikations — und Wissensinstrument ansieht — das heisst, als ein strukturiertes und strukturierendes System — und anderseits der Tradition, die die politischen Funktionen der religiosen Ideologie unter- streicht. In Wirklichkeit erfullt die Religion nur insofern eine politische Funktion der Verewigung der Strukturen — das heisst die Absolutisierung des Relativen und die Legitimation des Willkurlichen und dadurch die Zahmung der Beherrschten — als sie eine logische Funktion erfullt, indem sie dem Denken ihre Strukturen auferlegt.
Le concept de « capital social » forge par Pierre Bourdieu est aujourd’hui largement utilise dans la sociologie anglophone. Ce transfert des sociologues francophones vers leurs collegues anglophones est suffisamment 
 Le concept de « capital social » forge par Pierre Bourdieu est aujourd’hui largement utilise dans la sociologie anglophone. Ce transfert des sociologues francophones vers leurs collegues anglophones est suffisamment rare pour etre souligne. Dans La Distinction (1979), Pierre Bourdieu resume la hierarchie sociale au travers des concepts de « capital economique » et de « capital culturel ». Puis dans l’article presente ici [1] , initialement publie en 1980, il ajoute le « capital social », ensemble des ressources actuelles ou potentielles liees au reseau social. Le capital social n’est pas independant des deux autres types de capitaux : il n’existe que parce que les contacts sont eux-memes dotes de capitaux economique et culturel. Ainsi, selon la celebre metaphore du capital, le reseau s’accumule, se legue (principalement au sein de la famille) et rapporte des profits materiels et symboliques. Les individus et les groupes se livrent a un travail (conscient ou non) d’investissement en capital social dans les echanges sociaux, qui cree des obligations mutuelles (comme le montrent ses travaux sur le don en Kabylie) et des signes de reconnaissance (confere l’etude des pratiques socialement selectives).
Die drei Perioden der Algerischen Emigration Eine umfassende Studie der algerischen Emigranten darf nicht nur deren Existenzbedingungen in Frankreich in Betracht ziehen, sondern muss auch die Kennzeichen ihrer sozialen Herkunft 
 Die drei Perioden der Algerischen Emigration Eine umfassende Studie der algerischen Emigranten darf nicht nur deren Existenzbedingungen in Frankreich in Betracht ziehen, sondern muss auch die Kennzeichen ihrer sozialen Herkunft berĂŒcksichtigen. Eine ausfĂŒhrliche Darstellung des Lebenslaufes der Emigranten erlaubt es, jene Bedingungen zu erkennen, die sie zur Auswanderung getrieben haben und die eine kollektive Einstellung der Emigration gegenĂŒber hervorgebracht haben ; sie bestimmen auch alle jene Determinanten, die den einzelnen Emigranten zu seiner heutigen Position gefĂŒhrt haben. Die Analyse jener unterschiedlichen Bedingungen, die zu unterschiedlichen Zeitpunkten unterschiedliche «Emigranten-generatione» hervorgebracht haben, sowie der sich untereinander unterscheidenden Laufbahnen erlaubt es, die Vielfalt unter den Emigranten zu erkennen, und fuhrt zur Skizze einer Sozial-geschichte der Emigration, die Algerier nach Frankreich gefĂŒhrt hat. In einer ersten Periode fiel die Emigrationsgeschichte mit der Geschichte einer verarmten bĂ€uerlichen Gesellschaft zuzammen, die um ihr Überleben kĂ€mpfte und von den Emigranten dafĂŒr eine Hilfe erhoffte ; der Emigrant dieser Zeit war ein Bauer, der in die Funktion des «Emigranten» delegiert wurde, um den bĂ€uerlichen Zielsetzungen zu dienen ; als emigrierter Bauer lebte er in der Emigration als Bauer weiter, sein ganzes Verhalten entsprach einer bĂ€uerlichen Ethik. Als eine Emigration auf Befehl war diĂšse Emigration der bĂ€uerlichen, gemeinschaftlichen Ordnung unterworfen und von ihr kontrolliert. In einer zweiten Periode wurde die Emigration fĂŒr eine immer grössere Anzahl von Bauern die Möglichkeit, jene unmöglichen Hoffnungen zu realisieren, die ihren neuen Bedingungen «entbĂ€uerlichter» Bauern entsprangen. Fur diese neuen Bauernemigranten, die sich als Bauern verleugnen wollten, war die Emigration der Vorwand, um endgiiltig jene Dienstbeziehungen abzubrechen, die sie an eine verachtete und entwertete Gemeinschaft banden. Der aus anderen sozialer Bedingungen hervorgegangene Emigrant der zweiten «Generation» unterscheidet sich in allem von seinem VorgĂ€nger : In der Einstellung gegenĂŒber der bĂ€uerlichen Welt und Gesellschaft ; in seinem Lebensweg in der Emigration ; in der Einstellung den anderen Emigrantengruppen gegenĂŒber, usw. Man beobachtet seither eine vollkommene Unterordnung der traditionellen Landwirtschaft und der ganzen alten Ordnung unter das Wirtschafts- und Sozial-leben jenes Landes, das die Dienste der Emigranten verwertet. In letzter Zeit und als Abschluss eines mehr als 75 Jahre dauernden Prozesses hat die Emigration vor allem in Zusammenhang mit der Familienemigration zur Bildung einer algerischen Kolonie in Frankreich gefĂŒhrt. Die morphologischen VerĂ€nderungen, die die Gemeinschaft der Emigranten durchmacht, zeigt die Tendenz zu einer Herausbildung einer «kleiner Gesellschaft», die sowohl von der französischen als auch von der algerischen Gesellschaft relativ autonom ist, von der sie zwar ausgegangen ist, von der sie sich aber immer mehr entfernt.
Le temps des prophĂ©ties sur la “dĂ©scolarisation” de la sociĂ©tĂ© semble bien rĂ©volu. Au systĂšme de formation, et mĂȘme Ă  l’école en tant qu’institution de “socialisation”, les responsables politiques ont 
 Le temps des prophĂ©ties sur la “dĂ©scolarisation” de la sociĂ©tĂ© semble bien rĂ©volu. Au systĂšme de formation, et mĂȘme Ă  l’école en tant qu’institution de “socialisation”, les responsables politiques ont tendance Ă  demander la solution de tous les “problĂšmes sociaux” : le chĂŽmage, l’insertion des Ă©trangers, l’ordre urbain, etc. Mais, en raison mĂȘme des ces demandes, l’institution est remise en question car, telle que le passĂ© l’a modelĂ©e, elle paraĂźt Ă  certains incapable d’y rĂ©pondre. D’autre...
Les concepts d'oppression, de groupe social | l'exploitation, la marginalisation, le non-pouvoir, l'imperialisme culturel, la violence Les concepts d'oppression, de groupe social | l'exploitation, la marginalisation, le non-pouvoir, l'imperialisme culturel, la violence
Abstract Elections in Africa is the first volume of a series of election data handbooks published by OUP; it covers all the 53 states in Africa. Elections have always been 
 Abstract Elections in Africa is the first volume of a series of election data handbooks published by OUP; it covers all the 53 states in Africa. Elections have always been an integral part of post‐independence African politics and have assumed the utmost importance in the course of recent democratization processes. However, comparative research on political development in Africa lacks reliable electoral data. Elections in Africa fills this gap. Following the overall structure of the series, an initial comparative introduction on elections and electoral systems is followed by chapters on each state of the region. These contributions examine the evolution of institutional and electoral arrangements from independence to the present (1999), and provide systematic surveys of the up‐to‐date electoral provisions and their historical development. Exhaustive statistics on national elections (presidential, parliamentary, and constitutional assembly), referendums and coups d’état are included within each chapter; these cover electoral bodies and voting, electoral participation of parties and alliances, vote distribution, parliamentary composition, and power holders. The data are presented in the same systematic manner for all countries in order to provide electoral statistics in line with internationally established standards of documentation, so that the data can be easily compared. The book, therefore, provides a definitive and comprehensive set of data on elections in order to facilitate comparative research. Together with the other books of this series, Elections in Africa is a highly reliable resource for historical and cross‐national comparisons of elections and electoral systems worldwide.
contenir la présente mention de copyright. contenir la présente mention de copyright.
RĂ©sumĂ© Les discours fĂ©ministes et antiracistes contemporains n’ont pas su repĂ©rer les points d’intersection du racisme et du patriarcat. Face Ă  ces difficultĂ©s, cet article propose une approche originale : 
 RĂ©sumĂ© Les discours fĂ©ministes et antiracistes contemporains n’ont pas su repĂ©rer les points d’intersection du racisme et du patriarcat. Face Ă  ces difficultĂ©s, cet article propose une approche originale : l’intersectionnalitĂ©. La premiĂšre partie traite de l’intersectionnalitĂ© structurelle — de la maniĂšre dont le positionnement des femmes de couleur, Ă  l’intersection de la race et du genre, rend leur expĂ©rience concrĂšte de la violence conjugale, du viol et des mesures pour y remĂ©dier qualitativement diffĂ©rente de celle des femmes blanches. La seconde partie porte sur l’intersectionnalitĂ© politique : notamment la marginalisation de la question de la violence contre les femmes de couleur induite par les politiques fĂ©ministes et antiracistes. Enfin, l’article conclut par l’examen des consĂ©quences de l’approche intersectionnelle dans le champ plus large de la politique de l’identitĂ© contemporaine. *
MĂ€nnliche Herrschaft. Dieser Versuch einer Analyse der mĂ€nnlichen Herrschaft, der Form symbolischer Herrschaft schlechthin, stĂŒtzt sich auf ethnologisches Material aus der Kabylei. Die Gesellschaft der Kabylen, eine die Berbersprache sprechende 
 MĂ€nnliche Herrschaft. Dieser Versuch einer Analyse der mĂ€nnlichen Herrschaft, der Form symbolischer Herrschaft schlechthin, stĂŒtzt sich auf ethnologisches Material aus der Kabylei. Die Gesellschaft der Kabylen, eine die Berbersprache sprechende Bergbevölkerung in Nord-afrika, hat insbesondere in seinen rituellen Praktiken, seiner Poesie und seinen mĂŒndlichen Überlieferungen ein System der Vision und Division lebendig gehalten, das der gesamten Mittelmeerwelt gemeinsam ist und auch heute noch in unseren mentalen und teilweise sozialen Strukturen vorhanden ist. Das Beispiel der Kabylei lĂ€ĂŸt sich mithin wie ein "vergrĂ¶ĂŸertes Bild" behandeln, aus dem sich mĂŒheloser die grundlegenden Strukturen der mĂ€nnlichen Weltsicht herauslesen lassen. Ein erstes Ergebnis : Aufgrund des unmittelbaren Zusammenspiels zwischen zum einen den sozialen Strukturen, wie sie sich z.B. in der Organisation von Raum und Zeit oder in der Arbeitsteilung zwischen den Geschlechtern niederschlagen, zum anderen den mentalen Strukturen oder, genauer, den in Korper und Gehirn eingeschriebenen Prinzipien der Vision und Division, setzt sich die Ordnung des MĂ€nnlichen im Modus der Evidenz, als vollkommen natĂŒrlich, durch. TatsĂ€chlichwenden die Beherrschten -im vorliegenden Fall die Frauen- auf alle Dinge dieser Welt und nicht zuletzt auf die Herrschaftsbeziehung, der sie unterliegen, und auf die Personen, vermittels deren diese Beziehung sich realisiert -also auch auf sich als Personen-, ungedachte Denkschemata an, die als Produkt der Inkorporation der Machtbeziehung in Form von Gegensatzpaaren (oben/unten, groß/klein usw.) diese Beziehungen vom Gesichtspunkt der Herrschenden aus kontruieren und als natĂŒrliche erscheinen lassen. Die symbolische Gewalt realisiert sich ĂŒber einen Akt der Verkennung und Anerkennung, der sich aulkrhalb der Kontrolle des Bewußtseins und Willens, in der Dunkelheit des Habitus vollzieht. In der Sozialisierung wird eine Somatisierung der Herrschaftsbeziehung angestrebt. ZunĂ€chst durch soziale Konstruktion der Anschauung vom biologischen Geschlecht, die selbst einer umfassenden mythischen Weltsicht zugrunde liegt. Dann durch EinĂŒben einer körperlichen Hexis, die durchaus als inkorporierte Politik zu sehen ist. Vermittelt ĂŒber diese doppelte, geschlechtlich differenzierte und differenzierende Arbeit der EinĂŒbung bilden sich zwingend bei Mann und Frau unterschiedliche Dispositionen in bezug auf die am wichtigsten erachteten sozialen Spiele aus, als da sind (in der kabylischen Gesellschaft) : Ehrenund Kriegsspiele, mit denen sich am besten MĂ€nnlichkeit demonstrieren lĂ€ĂŸt ; oder in den differenzierten Gesellschaften alle Spiele, die hohe Geltung genießen, Politik, Kunst, Wissenschaft usw. Diese Beziehung der urspĂŒnglichen Ausschlieftung lĂ€ĂŸt sich sehr gut an Virginia Woolfs Roman Die Fahrt zum Leuchtturm analysieren : In Unkenntnis Ă€erillusio, die dazu verleitet, sich in den großen sozialen Spielen zu engagieren, sind die Frauen auch frei von der libido dominandi und von daher in der Lage, einen relativ luziden Blick auf die mĂ€nnliche Spiele zu werfen, an denen sie in der Regel nur stellvertretend teilnehmen. ErklĂ€rungsbedĂŒrftig bleibt der inferiore Status, der den Frauen nahezu universell zugewiesen wird. Hier muß die Asymetrie der Statusse in Betracht gezogen werden, die beiden Geschlechtern in der Ökonomie des symbolischen Tauschs zugeschrieben wird : WĂ€hrend die MĂ€nner Subjekte der matrimonialen Strategien sind, durch die sie ihr symbolisches Kapital zu erhalten oder zu mehren suchen, werden die Frauen immer als Objekte dieses Tauschs behandelt, zirkulieren darin als Symbole mit der FĂ€higkeit, BĂŒndnisse zu schmieden. Auf diese Weise mit einer symbolischen Funktion versehen, sind sie gezwungen, standig an der Erhaltung ihres symbolischen Werts zu arbeiten, durch Anpassung an das mĂ€nnliche Ideal der weiblichen Tugend, Scham und Keuchheit, und Erwerb der körperlichen und kosmetischen Attribute zur Erweiterung ihrer physischen Ausstrahlung und ihres Charmes. Der Status als Objekt, der den Frauen zugewiesen wird, la lit sich unzweideutig an der Bedeutung erkennen, den das mytischrituelle System der Kabylen ihrem Beitrag bei der Zeugung einrĂ€umt : Paradoxerweise wird die Schwangerschaft, diese genuine Arbeit der Frau, zugunsten der mĂ€nnlichen Intervention im Geschlechtsakt geleugnet. So bleibt auch in unseren Gesellschaften der privilegierte Part, den die Frauen bei der eigentlichen symbolischen Produktion -innerhalb wie aulkrhalb der Familieneinheit -spielen, verschleiert oder zumindest unterbewertet. Daraus folgt, daß eine Befreiung der Frau nur von einer symbolischen Revolution zu erwarten ist, die die Fundamente der Produktion und Reproduktion des symbolischen Kapitals selbst in Frage stellt, insbesondere aber die Dialektik von PrĂ€tention und Distinktion als der Grundlage der Produktion und Konsumtion der als Distinktionszeichen fungierenden kulturellen GĂŒter.
Preface Chapter 1 - Overview Chapter 2 - Socio-economic structures Chapter 3 - Ethnic identification and mobilisation Chapter 4 - National identity, nationality and citizenship Chapter 5 - Politics and 
 Preface Chapter 1 - Overview Chapter 2 - Socio-economic structures Chapter 3 - Ethnic identification and mobilisation Chapter 4 - National identity, nationality and citizenship Chapter 5 - Politics and Public Policy Conclusion Chronology of events Resource and documentation centres Keeping up-to-date Notes Bibliography
List of Illustrations Preface Chapter 1: Law and Custom Chapter 2: Disappearance Chapter 3: Prison Chapter 4: The 1981 Casablanca Uprising and Its Aftermath Chapter 5: Rani nimhik: Women and 
 List of Illustrations Preface Chapter 1: Law and Custom Chapter 2: Disappearance Chapter 3: Prison Chapter 4: The 1981 Casablanca Uprising and Its Aftermath Chapter 5: Rani nimhik: Women and Testimony Chapter 6: Islamist Political Prisoners Chapter 7: Hatta la yatakarrar hadha: Never This Again Notes Bibliography Index Acknowledgments
La mort est inhĂ©rente Ă  la vie humaine. Elle peut venir tĂŽt ou tard selon la constitution de chaque individu et les incidents de la vie. Mais la conception de 
 La mort est inhĂ©rente Ă  la vie humaine. Elle peut venir tĂŽt ou tard selon la constitution de chaque individu et les incidents de la vie. Mais la conception de la mort au Congo-Brazzaville semble bien ĂȘtre autre ; elle serait plutĂŽt liĂ©e Ă  la sorcellerie. Car, la sorcellerie est l’expression absolue du mal. Dans cet univers, la mort et la sorcellerie sont insĂ©parables. La mort est causĂ©e par la sorcellerie. En effet, dans une culture oĂč l’on ne croit qu’ĂȘtre persĂ©cutĂ© par l’autre, on voit le mal partout et on consulte devin et pasteur pour chercher Ă  connaitre les causes des infortunes et surtout de la mort. Ainsi, les accusations de sorcellerie sont monnaies courantes. Ce qui entraine souvent les divisions familiales voire les passages Ă  l’acte. Tout le monde ici est le sorcier de tout le monde.
A finales de abril de 1827 tuvo lugar un incidente entre el Dey Hussein y el cónsul de Francia en Argel, Pierre Deval. El diplomåtico francés fue golpeado. Este hecho, 
 A finales de abril de 1827 tuvo lugar un incidente entre el Dey Hussein y el cónsul de Francia en Argel, Pierre Deval. El diplomåtico francés fue golpeado. Este hecho, le coup dŽéventail, ha sido reconstruido por decenas de autores hasta la fecha. Llama la atención, sin embargo, la diversidad de versiones existentes sobre una acción en principio poco susceptible de ser interpretada. El objetivo del presente artículo es analizar las razones de esta variedad e intentar entender qué ocurrió en realidad. Para ello se revisarån las fuentes bibliogråficas y de primera mano, y se realizarå una aproximación al relato desde su contexto histórico.
Ce texte interroge les pratiques de la sorcellerie, entre rĂ©alitĂ©s sociales, croyances religieuses et enjeux psychiques, en se focalisant sur le cas spĂ©cifique de l’aheckul en contexte kabyle et dans 
 Ce texte interroge les pratiques de la sorcellerie, entre rĂ©alitĂ©s sociales, croyances religieuses et enjeux psychiques, en se focalisant sur le cas spĂ©cifique de l’aheckul en contexte kabyle et dans la clinique de l’exil. AprĂšs une rĂ©flexion Ă©pistĂ©mologique sur l’intĂ©rĂȘt et l’originalitĂ© de l’anthropologie psychanalytique pour penser des cas oĂč le psychique, le religieux et le culturel sont intimement liĂ©s, nous nous concentrons sur une Ă©tude de la sorcellerie en contexte kabyle. Nous Ă©tudions le rapport au fĂ©minin et Ă  l’angoisse de castration, dans une sociĂ©tĂ© marquĂ©e par des rapports de domination dĂ©terminant pour chaque genre des positions trĂšs prĂ©cises dans la hiĂ©rarchie sociale. Le cas de Na-Taous Ă©voque tant l’ordre social Ă©tabli que les tentatives de l’inverser grĂące Ă  la sorcellerie. Enfin, nous nous penchons sur l’évocation de la sorcellerie dans ses aspects dĂ©fensifs chez un patient d’origine kabyle reçu en consultation en France, aux prises avec la conviction dĂ©lirante d’une emprise sorcelleraire de la part de sa grand-mĂšre maternelle tant sur son pĂšre dĂ©cĂ©dĂ© que sur lui-mĂȘme, pour essayer de voir la maniĂšre dont des schĂ©mas traditionnels peuvent ĂȘtre convoquĂ©s en tant que thĂ©ories indigĂšnes et en tant que thĂ©ories sexuelles infantiles, afin de tenter de dĂ©limiter l’angoisse dans ses formes les plus archaĂŻques. Le cas de Massi qui essaie de tuer le « malĂ©fique » qui siĂšge en lui, en manquant de se donner la mort, permet de penser l’externalisation attributive qu’opĂšre la croyance dans la sorcellerie, en mĂȘme temps que son Ă©chec Ă  protĂ©ger le sujet contre des passages Ă  l’acte autodestructeurs, menĂ©s avec la conviction d’attaquer le mal en soi. Le travail thĂ©rapeutique permet d’envisager la transformation de l’hallucination et du dĂ©lire en capacitĂ© Ă  apprivoiser le sentiment d’étrangetĂ©, Ă  se reprĂ©senter une sĂ©paration partielle avec un autre envahissant et persĂ©cuteur et Ă  reconnaĂźtre une part de soi dans ce qui est perçu comme exogĂšne et redoutĂ©.
Jdidi Soumaya | European Journal of Social Sciences Studies
<p>L’inclusion sociale des femmes en situation de handicap au Maroc s’est progressivement imposĂ©e comme une prioritĂ© politique et institutionnelle. Les efforts rĂ©alisĂ©s en matiĂšre d’ancrage normatif et lĂ©gislatifs sont indĂ©niables 
 <p>L’inclusion sociale des femmes en situation de handicap au Maroc s’est progressivement imposĂ©e comme une prioritĂ© politique et institutionnelle. Les efforts rĂ©alisĂ©s en matiĂšre d’ancrage normatif et lĂ©gislatifs sont indĂ©niables et tĂ©moignent d’une volontĂ© d’ancrer l’égalitĂ© et la solidaritĂ© dans le projet national. Toutefois, des inĂ©galitĂ©s structurelles, des pratiques discriminatoires persistantes et un dĂ©ficit de mise en Ɠuvre freinent encore l’intĂ©gration pleine et entiĂšre de cette catĂ©gorie. L’inclusion sociale des femmes en situation de handicap ne peut se rĂ©aliser pleinement sans une vision intĂ©grĂ©e, fondĂ©e sur la participation active des personnes concernĂ©es Ă  l’élaboration des politiques ; une culture des droits ancrĂ©e dans l’administration publique et les mentalitĂ©s ; un renforcement des capacitĂ©s locales pour adapter les actions aux rĂ©alitĂ©s territoriales et une Ă©valuation continue de l’impact des programmes sociaux. Ainsi, l’inclusion ne saurait ĂȘtre rĂ©duite Ă  une sĂ©rie de dispositifs techniques : elle engage un choix de sociĂ©tĂ©, celui de garantir Ă  chacun une vie digne, dans une sociĂ©tĂ© plus juste et solidaire.</p><p> </p><p>The social inclusion of women with disabilities in Morocco has gradually emerged as a political and institutional priority. Efforts made in terms of normative and legislative anchoring are undeniable and demonstrate a desire to anchor equality and solidarity in the national project. However, structural inequalities, persistent discriminatory practices, and a lack of implementation still hamper the full integration of this category. The social inclusion of women with disabilities cannot be fully achieved without an integrated vision, based on the active participation of those concerned in policy development; a culture of rights anchored in public administration and mentalities; strengthening local capacities to adapt actions to territorial realities; and continuous evaluation of the impact of social programs. Thus, inclusion cannot be reduced to a series of technical measures: it involves a societal choice, that of guaranteeing everyone a dignified life, in a more just and united society.</p><p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/soc/0782/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>
Nina Mansion-Prud’homme , Sylvain Schoonbaert | Presses Universitaires de Bordeaux eBooks
| Cambridge University Press eBooks

Éditorial

2025-06-18
| Habitante
Benarbia Rekia | Science Education and Innovations in the Context of Modern Problems
Hind Boussaad | European Conference on Research Methodology for Business and Management Studies
This study combines empirical research into the management of private schools in Morocco with a critical review of some of the dominant theoretical frameworks developed by North American and European 
 This study combines empirical research into the management of private schools in Morocco with a critical review of some of the dominant theoretical frameworks developed by North American and European researchers to understand the impact of gendered social structures on attitudes of and towards female private school owners and their approach to their managerial activities and the business output as a whole. The first part of the thesis excavates the legacy of Morocco’s complex colonial and post-colonial history with specific reference to the private school sector and provides a critical foundation of the research subject contextualisation. Using grounded theory, my empirical research starts with the replication of Geert Hofstede’s 2013 Value Survey Module (VSM), initially to a pilot study of 76 (67 female and 9 male) private school teachers and management teams in the region of Agadir in Morocco. Analysis of the results of the VSM found that its definition of Masculinity and Femininity produces incoherent results when applied to these settings. Further, the score for Morocco published by Hofstede in 2003- and the one obtained as part of this (2017-2019) research were on opposing poles 53 and 11.5, respectively. The limitations of the results of the VSM required further empirical research through ethnographic observations and interviews with the owners and/or managers of these private schools. This qualitative research found that women, more than men, tended to distance themselves from set characteristics attributed to a gender, and instead put forward the common interest of the organisation as their critical value motivation. Success and motivation were not gender-bound, and gendered norms were seen as circumstantial and not fundamental. The research found that male and female dynamics were governed by economic imperatives rather than by gendered norms. I use this historically grounded reading of Moroccan-specific gender dynamics to challenge the universalist assumptions of cross-cultural management approaches such as Hofstede’s. My research provides the basis to deepen our understanding of the context and impact of gender dynamics within business organisations in other regions of Morocco. It is research that remains alive to the impact of globalisation on southern political economies—in and through being anchored to the specifics of historical, linguistic, and cultural places.
Constitue le dĂ©lit d’apologie du terrorisme la republication, sans critique ni nuance, d’une tribune qualifiant d’acte de rĂ©sistance des actes de terrorisme dĂšs lors que, manifestant une approbation aux propos 
 Constitue le dĂ©lit d’apologie du terrorisme la republication, sans critique ni nuance, d’une tribune qualifiant d’acte de rĂ©sistance des actes de terrorisme dĂšs lors que, manifestant une approbation aux propos tenus, elle incite Ă  porter sur ces actes un jugement favorable.
Christian-B. Amphoux | Bulletin de l’AcadĂ©mie Belge pour l’Étude des Langues Anciennes et Orientales
Le livre de JĂ©rĂ©mie commence par une double vision survenue Ă  l’auteur quand il avait une vingtaine d’annĂ©es ; et de ces deux objets ordinaires, un bĂąton et un chaudron, 
 Le livre de JĂ©rĂ©mie commence par une double vision survenue Ă  l’auteur quand il avait une vingtaine d’annĂ©es ; et de ces deux objets ordinaires, un bĂąton et un chaudron, naĂźt la prise de conscience d’un double danger pour le peuple, encore Ă©vitable, et plus tard tout un livre Ă©crit en deux Ă©tapes, qui ne correspond pas Ă  la tradition hĂ©braĂŻque du livre de JĂ©rĂ©mie, mais au modĂšle hĂ©breu traduit dans la Septante, destinĂ© alors Ă  entrer dans l’Écriture sainte pour la clore. Plusieurs incohĂ©rences apparentes amĂšnent Ă  situer la rĂ©daction de ce livre au tout dĂ©but du 2e siĂšcle avant notre Ăšre : JĂ©rĂ©mie s’identifie alors avec Simon le Juste, grand-prĂȘtre vers – 200 et, pour certains, rĂ©dacteur final de la premiĂšre partie de la Bible hĂ©braĂŻque.
Thibault Le Hégarat | Les Grands Dossiers des Sciences Humaines
Ayçe Feride Yılmaz | Verlag Barbara Budrich eBooks
The ongoing reform of the Family Code in Morocco reflects a significant cultural and legal evolution aimed at enhancing gender equality within the Moroccan family. Initiated by King Mohammed VI’s 
 The ongoing reform of the Family Code in Morocco reflects a significant cultural and legal evolution aimed at enhancing gender equality within the Moroccan family. Initiated by King Mohammed VI’s call on July 30, 2022, the reform project addresses pressing issues, including underage marriage, polygamy, legal guardianship, inheritance rights, divorce procedures, and the distribution of responsibilities and assets during married life. However, the reform process faces considerable challenges, notably potential societal backlash, conservative socio-cultural norms, and socioeconomic vulnerability. This article examines the complexities of this reform process in light of women’s narratives, with a particular focus on the impact of the Family Code on women’s lives. Data analysis reveals a deep-rooted tension between progressive ideals and conservative values on the one hand, and socioeconomic insecurity on the other. The practical implementation of the upcoming reform depends on a textual revision of the Family Code and an improvement in the people’s socioeconomic status. Furthermore, the reform process should follow an inclusive dialogue that engages diverse segments of society, ensuring that legal changes resonate with cultural values while promoting global human rights standards.
The essay «The Shapes of Grief. Witnessing the Unbearable» was originally published in volume 112, No. 3 of The Yale Review, September 9, 2024. We are deeply grateful to the 
 The essay «The Shapes of Grief. Witnessing the Unbearable» was originally published in volume 112, No. 3 of The Yale Review, September 9, 2024. We are deeply grateful to the author for allowing us to make this translation and to the artist Joumana Medlej for sharing her work with us.
The essay «The Shapes of Grief. Witnessing the Unbearable» was originally published in volume 112, No. 3 of The Yale Review, September 9, 2024. We are deeply grateful to the 
 The essay «The Shapes of Grief. Witnessing the Unbearable» was originally published in volume 112, No. 3 of The Yale Review, September 9, 2024. We are deeply grateful to the author for allowing us to make this translation and to the artist Joumana Medlej for sharing her work with us.
Within a generation of Alphonse Desjardins’s death in 1920, his caisses populaires had grown by staggering proportions in Quebec. Much less familiar is the story of their international spread. This 
 Within a generation of Alphonse Desjardins’s death in 1920, his caisses populaires had grown by staggering proportions in Quebec. Much less familiar is the story of their international spread. This article offers a preliminary exploration of how Catholics in Quebec and Antigonish, Nova Scotia, spearheaded a vast network of banks inspired by the Church’s social teaching. It identifies key characteristics of the banks, as well as some early promoters. It divides the mid-century history of the banks into two main periods: the first expansion in the 1930s–1950s and the second phase in the 1960s–1970s. As a preliminary exploration, the article is suggestive by design. It aims to spur more research on this important movement, which has the potential to offer unique insight into Canadian and Quebecois contributions to global Catholic networks.

Éditorial

2025-06-06
Gianluca Manzo | L Année sociologique