Social Sciences Sociology and Political Science

Korean Peninsula Historical and Political Studies

Description

This cluster of papers focuses on the socio-political dynamics of North Korea, covering topics such as refugees, famine, political economy, human rights, gender issues, healthcare, migration, international relations, and economic reform. The papers provide insights into the complex challenges and developments within North Korea and its interactions with the international community.

Keywords

North Korea; Refugees; Famine; Political Economy; Human Rights; Gender; Healthcare; Migration; International Relations; Economic Reform

Under the Loving Care of the Fatherly Leader offers in-depth portraits of North Korea's two ruthless and bizarrely Orwellian leaders, Kim II-Sun and Kim Jong-II. Lifting North Korea's curtain of … Under the Loving Care of the Fatherly Leader offers in-depth portraits of North Korea's two ruthless and bizarrely Orwellian leaders, Kim II-Sun and Kim Jong-II. Lifting North Korea's curtain of self-imposed isolation, this book will take readers inside a society that, to a Westerner, will appear to be from another planet. Subsisting on a diet short on food and long on lies, North Koreans have been indoctrinated from birth to follow unquestioningly a father-son team of megalomaniacs. Revised and expanded for the paperback edition, this fascinating, definitive history brings the reader right up the present day tensions. For as this book direly predicted, North Korea has a legitimate nuclear programme and appears to be the greatest threat to the world today.
This analysis of modern Korea includes: the imprisonment and sentencing of two former presidents of South Korea for their role in the Kwangju uprising and on various charges of corruption; … This analysis of modern Korea includes: the imprisonment and sentencing of two former presidents of South Korea for their role in the Kwangju uprising and on various charges of corruption; the death of Kim II Sung and the resultant North-South standoff; and recent labour and student protests.
Up until now, the Korean War has been the black hole of modern American history. The Coldest Winter changes that, giving readers a masterful narrative of the political decisions and … Up until now, the Korean War has been the black hole of modern American history. The Coldest Winter changes that, giving readers a masterful narrative of the political decisions and miscalculations on both sides. He charts the disastrous path that led to the massive entry of Chinese forces near the Yalu, and that caught Douglas MacArthur and his soldiers by surprise. He provides astonishingly vivid and nuanced portraits of all the major figures - Eisenhower, Truman, Acheson, Kim, and Mao, and Generals MacArthur, Almond, and Ridgway.At the heart of the book are the individual stories of the soldiers on the front lines who were left to deal with the consequences of the dangerous misjudgments and competing agendas of powerful men. We meet them, follow them, and see some of the most dreadful battles in history through their eyes. As ever, Halberstam was concerned with the extraordinary courage and resolve of people asked to bear an extraordinary burden. Contemporary history in its most literary and luminescent form, The Coldest Winter provides crucial perspective on the Vietnam War and the events of today.
Acknowledgments Introduction Transcription CHAPTER 1 The Society Kim Il Sung Built and How He Did It Captain Kim Returns Home The War and What came after Between Moscow and Beijing: … Acknowledgments Introduction Transcription CHAPTER 1 The Society Kim Il Sung Built and How He Did It Captain Kim Returns Home The War and What came after Between Moscow and Beijing: The Foreign Policy of Kim Il Sung's North Korea Dealing with the South The Command Society A Country of Camps The World According to Kim Il Sung The Silver Lining in a Social Disaster The Birth of Juche, the Rise of the Son, and the Slow-Motion Demise of a Hyper-Stalinist Economy CHAPTER 2 Two Decades of Crisis And Then the World Changed Capitalism Reborn The State Withers Away Taking the Exit Option: Not an Exodus Yet, But ... Arrival in Paradise, aka Capitalist Hell Changing Worldviews CHAPTER 3 The Logic of Survival (Domestically) Reform as Collective Political Suicide Putting the Genie Back in the Bottle: (Not-So-Successful) Crackdowns on Market Activity A Disaster That Almost Happened: The Currency Reform of 2009 Still Poor and Malnourished, but Starving No More CHAPTER 4 The Supreme Leader And His Era The Belated Emergence of a The Sudden Dawn of a New Era Collapse of the old guard The New Policy The New Logic Tensions with the South CHAPTER 5 Survival Diplomacy Playing the Nuclear Card Aid-Maximizing Diplomacy Meanwhile, in South Korea ... (the Rise of 386ers and Its Consequences) A Decade of Sunshine The Sun Sets The Entry of China Interlude The Contours of a Future: What Might Happen to North Korea in the Next Two Decades CHAPTER 6 What to Do about the North? Why Sticks Are Not Big Enough Why the Carrots Are Not Sweet Enough (and Why Is Not a Great Idea, Either) Thinking Long Term The Hidden Benefits of Engagement Reaching the People Why They Matter: Working with the Refugees in South Korea CHAPTER 7 Being Ready for What We Wish For A Perfect Storm A Provisional Confederation as the Least Unacceptable Solution Something about Painkillers ... Conclusion Notes Index
Where the Wild Birds Sing The End of the Beginning The Trouble Deepens The Carter Chill Assassination and Aftermath Terror and Talk The Battle for Democracy in Seoul The Great … Where the Wild Birds Sing The End of the Beginning The Trouble Deepens The Carter Chill Assassination and Aftermath Terror and Talk The Battle for Democracy in Seoul The Great Olympic Coming-Out Party Moscow Switches Sides China Shifts Its Ground Joining the Nuclear Issue Withdrawal and Engagement Showdown over Nuclear Weapons Death and Accord North Korea in Crisis.
This paper explores the translation of news discourse in terms of the way in which recontextualization of discourse across the boundaries of language, culture and institutions results in the transformation, … This paper explores the translation of news discourse in terms of the way in which recontextualization of discourse across the boundaries of language, culture and institutions results in the transformation, as well as transfer, of information. Based on a comparative analysis of news stories on North Korea published in Newsweek and Newsweek Hankuk Pan (Korean edition), the study examines how North Korea is (re)constructed in translation. The primary focus is on the translating context and the producers of translated news stories as they engage in an institutional routine to re-situate the source text (discourse on North Korea by Newsweek journalists), which is anchored in a specific discourse context (the context of a Newsweek story being written and published for original Newsweek readers), into the translating situation (the context of producing a translated story at Newsweek Hankuk Pan) for a new context of use (the context of reception by South Korean readers of Newsweek Hankuk Pan). As the producers of translated news at Newsweek Hankuk Pan link the two situations, elements of the prior discourse as manifested in the source text are lifted from the original setting, re-perspectivized, differently foregrounded, silenced, elaborated on or blended with other voices. The findings suggest that contrary to the lay perception of translated news as a complete and accurate representation of the intention and meaning of the source text writer, news translation as recontextualization practice is a complex site of institutional goals and procedures, coupled with tension and conflict among different representations, ideologies and voices.
This study, based on Chinese publications and archival materials as well as on recent fieldwork, provides an up-to-date treatment of Kazak history and culture, emphasizing the Kazaks in 20th-century China … This study, based on Chinese publications and archival materials as well as on recent fieldwork, provides an up-to-date treatment of Kazak history and culture, emphasizing the Kazaks in 20th-century China and, in particular, their status today as one of China's minority nationalities.
The communal societies of prehistoric times - the Paleolithic age, the society and culture in the Neolithic period walled-town states and confederated kingdoms - Bronze Age culture, Old Choson and … The communal societies of prehistoric times - the Paleolithic age, the society and culture in the Neolithic period walled-town states and confederated kingdoms - Bronze Age culture, Old Choson and Wiman Choson, confederated kingdoms - Puyo, Koguryo and the state of Chin, society, polity and culture in the confederated kingdoms period aristocratic societies under monarchical rule - the development of the kingdoms of Koguryo, paekche and Silla foreign relations of these three kingdoms, political and social structure and aristocratic culture of these three kingdoms the fashioning of an authoritarian monarchy - Silla unification and the founding of the Parhae kingdom, government, society and culture of Silla, society and culture of Parhae the age of powerful gentry families the hereditary aristocratic order of Koryo rule by the military - the Cho'oe and Mongols emergence of the literati - the pro-Yuan policy, founding of the Choson (Yi) dynasty the creation of a Yangban society - development of Yangban society in Choson, administrative, social and economic structure of the Yangban state, foreign policy of early Choson, Yangban bureaucratic culture the rise of the neo-Confucian literati - changes in society under rule by the meritorious elite, struggle against Japanese and Manchus economic advances and intellectual ferment dynastic disarray and national peril growth of the forces of enlightenment - the Tonghak Peasant Army, reform movement of 1894-1896 incipient nationalism and imperialist aggression - the Independence Club, Japanese aggression and the annexation of Korea the first phase of Japanese rule, 1910-1919 nationalism and social revolution, 1919-1931 forced assimilation, mobilization and war - Japanese advance in Asia, agriculture, industry and labour mobilization, the last phase of colonial rule 1941-1945 liberation, division and war, 1945-1953 - colonial legacy and the tarnsfer of power - Soviet-US rivalry and the division of the peninsula, American occupation, emergence of separate states, the Korean War 1950-1953 authoritarianism and protest, 1948-1990 - Syngman Rhee and the First Republic, the April Revolution (1960) and the Second Republic, the Park Chung Hee era, opposition, mutiny, insurrection and coup, the Fifth Republic of Chun Doo Hwan 1981-1988, the Sixth Republic and prospects for democracy economic development in historical perspective, 1945-1990 - international factors, internal social and political factors, role of culture and timing.
In June 1994, the USA went to the brink of war with North Korea. Withj economic sanctions impending, President Clinton approved the dispatch of substantial reinforcements to Korea and plans … In June 1994, the USA went to the brink of war with North Korea. Withj economic sanctions impending, President Clinton approved the dispatch of substantial reinforcements to Korea and plans were made for attacking the North's nuclear weapons complex. The turning point came in an extraordinary private diplomatic initiative by former President Carter and others to reverse the dangerous American course and open the way to a diplomatic settlement of the nuclear crisis. Few Americans know the full details or realize the devastating impact such an event could have had on the US's post-Cold War foreign policy. This book offers an inside look at how the crisis originated, escalated and was diffused. It begins by exploring a web of intelligence failures by the US and intransigence within South Korea and the International Atomic Energy Agency, paying particular attention throughout to an American mindset that prefers coercion to co-operation in dealing with aggressive nations. Drawing upon in-depth interviews with policy-makers from the countries involved, the author discloses the details of the buildup to confrontation, American refusal to engage in diplomatic give-and-take, the Carter mission and the diplomatic deal of October 1994.
October 01 2004 Proliferation Rings: New Challenges to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime Chaim Braun, Chaim Braun Vice President of Altos Management Partners Inc. and a Science Fellow at the Center … October 01 2004 Proliferation Rings: New Challenges to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime Chaim Braun, Chaim Braun Vice President of Altos Management Partners Inc. and a Science Fellow at the Center for International Security and Cooperation (CISAC) in Stanford University's Institute for International Studies. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Christopher F. Chyba Christopher F. Chyba Co-director of CISAC and Associate Professor in Stanford's Department of Geological and Environmental Sciences. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Chaim Braun Vice President of Altos Management Partners Inc. and a Science Fellow at the Center for International Security and Cooperation (CISAC) in Stanford University's Institute for International Studies. Christopher F. Chyba Co-director of CISAC and Associate Professor in Stanford's Department of Geological and Environmental Sciences. Online Issn: 1531-4804 Print Issn: 0162-2889 © 2004 President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology2004 International Security (2004) 29 (2): 5–49. https://doi.org/10.1162/0162288042879959 Cite Icon Cite Permissions Share Icon Share MailTo Twitter LinkedIn Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Search Site Citation Chaim Braun, Christopher F. Chyba; Proliferation Rings: New Challenges to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime. International Security 2004; 29 (2): 5–49. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/0162288042879959 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAll JournalsInternational Security Search Advanced Search This content is only available as a PDF. © 2004 President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology2004 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.
In an examination of responses to public opinion poll questions designed to assess the degree of generalized support for the wars in Korea and Vietnam, popular support for the two … In an examination of responses to public opinion poll questions designed to assess the degree of generalized support for the wars in Korea and Vietnam, popular support for the two wars was found to follow highly similar patterns. Support was high initially but declined as a logarithmic function of American casualties, a function remarkably similar for both wars. While support for the war in Vietnam did finally drop below those levels found during the Korean War, it did so only after the fighting had gone on considerably longer and only after American casualties had greatly surpassed those of the earlier war. These trends seem to have been fairly impervious to particular events in either of the wars. It is suggested that the greater vocal opposition to the Vietnam War reflects mainly a shift of opinion within the intellectual left on the wisdom of the two wars. Armed with new techniques of protest learned in its identification with the civil rights movement, the intellectual left has been able effectively to garner great attention for its cause during the Vietnamese War. Also noted was the presence of a rather large body of opinion inclined to follow the President on war policy, giving him considerable room for maneuver, at least in the short run, and making public opinion in this area highly sensitive to current policy. A crude comparison with data from World War II suggests that, while the earlier war was unquestionably more "popular" than the wars in Korea and Vietnam, support was less consensual than might be expected. The popularity of the Korean War rose slowly after its conclusion, but this sort of retrospective support for World Wars I and II may have declined as time went by and, at any rate, was quite sensitive to current events, In repeated instances, differences in question wording were found to alter substantially the response generated to poll questions about the wars.
Foreign policy seems to command more public attention than domestic policy and yet—insofar as it has been, researched—public opinion on foreign policy seems to have less impact on governmental decisions … Foreign policy seems to command more public attention than domestic policy and yet—insofar as it has been, researched—public opinion on foreign policy seems to have less impact on governmental decisions than does opinion in most other issue areas. There are at least two reasons, one normative and one empirical, why public opinion can be regarded as pertinent to some foreign policy questions—especially those associated with “life and death.” Normatively, it is desirable for political leaders in a democracy to commit national resources in ways generally approved by the populace. Large scale military commtiments should, if at all possible, meet with the approval of public opinion. Empirically, if they do not, experience has shown there are circumstances in which public disapproval of the course of foreign policy may be registered in national elections. Specifically, our one recent experience with a situation of partial mobilization and a limited but large-scale and indefinite commitment to military action in Korea did in time produce a distribution of opinion that suggested the war was very unpopular. And though its precise impact on the 1952 presidential election is difficult to assess there is little doubt that the Korean issue contributed significantly to the Eisenhower landslide. Among the questions raised by the Korean experience is whether the American public will easily tolerate the prosecution of long drawn-out wars of partial mobilization. Therefore, it is not surprising that another such war, in Vietnam, has stimulated a concern with public opinion.
Korea is experiencing three crises: a famine in the North, a confrontation over the North's nuclear weapons programme, and now an economic crisis in the South. This volume examines the … Korea is experiencing three crises: a famine in the North, a confrontation over the North's nuclear weapons programme, and now an economic crisis in the South. This volume examines the implications of these crises for Korea, the United States, and others with interests in the peninsula.
Speculation about the future of the North Korean regime has been intense for nearly two decades. In the 1990s, economic crises and famine led to predictions of the Kim regime's … Speculation about the future of the North Korean regime has been intense for nearly two decades. In the 1990s, economic crises and famine led to predictions of the Kim regime's imminent downfall. Today analysts highlight impending famine as well as threats to the regime's position brought by eroding information control. Several theories of authoritarian control help to explain how Kim Jong-il and his family have remained in power and how this might change over time. The Kim regime has employed a variety of authoritarian “tools” to protect itself both from popular revolt and from internal coups. Its social policies, reliance on certain ideas and nationalism, and use of force prevent the onset of revolution. Through numerous other tools (elite co-optation, manipulation of foreign governments for financial aid, and the “coupproofing” of domestic institutions), the regime protects itself from coups d'état and elite unrest. This framework not only helps to explain the past resilience of the regime, but it suggests that the regime is not in danger of being unseated by coups or revolution. Yet it also suggests that the regime has not adequately prepared for succession after Kim's death. This analysis has implications for policy planning about the future of the Korean Peninsula, as well as for negotiations with and coercive strategies toward Pyongyang.
This international history of the Korean War argues that by its timing, its course, and its outcome it functioned as a substitute for World War III. Stueck draws on recently … This international history of the Korean War argues that by its timing, its course, and its outcome it functioned as a substitute for World War III. Stueck draws on recently available materials from seven countries, plus the archives of the United Nations, to present a detailed narrative of the diplomacy of the conflict and a broad assessment of its critical role in the Cold War. He emphasizes the contribution of the United Nations, which at several key points in the conflict provided an important institutional framework within which less powerful nations were able to restrain the aggressive tendencies of the United States. In Stueck's view, contributors to the UN cause in Korea provided support not out of any abstract commitment to a universal system of collective security, but because they saw an opportunity to influence US policy. Chinese intervention in Korea in the autumn of 1950 brought with it the threat of world war, but at that time and in other instances prior to the armistice in July 1953, America's NATO allies and Third World neutrals succeeded in curbing American adventurism. While conceding the tragic and brutal nature of the war, Stueck suggests that it helped to prevent the occurrence of an even more destructive conflict in Europe.
A variety of studies suggest that a high need for closure—that is, a desire for knowledge that is clear, stable, and unambiguous as opposed to confusing or uncertain—may be associated … A variety of studies suggest that a high need for closure—that is, a desire for knowledge that is clear, stable, and unambiguous as opposed to confusing or uncertain—may be associated with greater hostility toward relevant outgroups. Using international attitudes as the context, the authors examine the hypothesis that the relationship between the need for closure and support for military action against Iraq may be moderated by identification with the national ingroup. Specifically, it is expected that this relationship will be moderated by nationalism (i.e., an aggressive form of identification based on a desire for national dominance) but not patriotism (i.e., a more neutral love of one’s country). The data provided a clear pattern of support for this hypothesis and additional analyses indicated that a high need for closure reduced variability about the use of force among the highly nationalistic but not the highly patriotic.
Journal Article Allies, adversaries and international trade Get access Allies, adversaries and international trade. By Joanne Gowa. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 1994. 148pp. Index. £20.00. ISBN 0 691 03355 … Journal Article Allies, adversaries and international trade Get access Allies, adversaries and international trade. By Joanne Gowa. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 1994. 148pp. Index. £20.00. ISBN 0 691 03355 2. Lisa Martin Lisa Martin 1Harvard University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 70, Issue 4, October 1994, Pages 781–783, https://doi.org/10.2307/2624589 Published: 01 October 1994
Despite its nuclear capability, in certain respects North Korea resembles a failed state sitting uneasily atop a shifting internal foundation. This instability is due in part to the devastating famine … Despite its nuclear capability, in certain respects North Korea resembles a failed state sitting uneasily atop a shifting internal foundation. This instability is due in part to the devastating famine of the 1990s and the state's inability to fulfill the economic obligations that it had assumed, forcing institutions, enterprises, and households to cope with the ensuing challenges of maintaining stability with limited cooperation between the Korean government and the international community. The ineffective response to the humanitarian crisis triggered by the famine resulted in the outflow of perhaps tens of thousands of refugees whose narratives are largely overlooked in evaluating the efficacy of the humanitarian aid program. Witness to Transformation: Refugee Insights into North Korea uses extensive surveys with refugees who now reside in China or South Korea to provide extraordinary insight into the changing pathways to power, wealth, and status within North Korea. These refugee testimonies provide an invaluable interpretation of the regime, its motivations, and its capabilities and assess the situation on the ground with the rise of inequality, corruption, and disaffection in the decade since the famine. Through the lens of these surveys, preeminent North Korean experts Stephan Haggard and Marcus Noland carefully document the country's transition from a centrally planned economy to a highly distorted market economy, characterized by endemic corruption and widening inequality. The authors chart refugees' reactions to the current conditions and consider the disparity between the perceived and real benefit of the international humanitarian aid program experienced by this displaced population. Finally, the book examines these refugees' future prospects for integration into a new society.
In an era marked by atrocities perpetrated on a grand scale, the tragedy of the so-called comfort women - mostly Korean women forced into prostitution by the Japanese army - … In an era marked by atrocities perpetrated on a grand scale, the tragedy of the so-called comfort women - mostly Korean women forced into prostitution by the Japanese army - endures as one of the darkest events of World War II. These women have usually been labeled victims of a war crime, a simplistic view that makes it easy to pin blame on the policies of imperial Japan and therefore easier to consign the episode to a war-torn past. In this revelatory study, C. Sarah Soh provocatively disputes this master narrative.Soh reveals that the forces of Japanese colonialism and Korean patriarchy together determined the fate of Korean comfort women - a double bind made strikingly apparent in the cases of women cast into sexual slavery after fleeing abuse at home. Other victims were press-ganged into prostitution, sometimes with the help of Korean procurers. Drawing on historical research and interviews with survivors, Soh tells the stories of these women from girlhood through their subjugation and beyond to their efforts to overcome the traumas of their past. Finally, Soh examines the array of factors - from South Korean nationalist politics to the aims of the international women's human rights movement - that contributed to the incomplete view of the tragedy that still dominates today.
This book explains the roots, politics, and legacy of Korean ethnic nationalism, which is based on the sense of a shared bloodline and ancestry. Belief in a racially distinct and … This book explains the roots, politics, and legacy of Korean ethnic nationalism, which is based on the sense of a shared bloodline and ancestry. Belief in a racially distinct and ethnically homogeneous nation is widely shared on both sides of the Korean peninsula, although some scholars believe it is a myth with little historical basis. Finding both positions problematic and treating identity formation as a social and historical construct that has crucial behavioral consequences, this book examines how such a blood-based notion has become a dominant source of Korean identity, overriding other forms of identity in the modern era. It also looks at how the politics of national identity have played out in various contexts in Korea: semicolonialism, civil war, authoritarian politics, democratization, territorial division, and globalization.
Uncertain partners tells for the first time the inside story of the creation of the Sino-Soviet alliance and the origins of the Korean War. Using major new documentary sources, including … Uncertain partners tells for the first time the inside story of the creation of the Sino-Soviet alliance and the origins of the Korean War. Using major new documentary sources, including cables and letters between Mao Zedong and Stalin, and interviews with key Russian, Chinese, and Korean participants, the book focuses on the domestic and foreign policy decision-making in all three countries from 1945 through October 1950. The authors examine the complex relations between Stalin, Chiang Kai-shek, and Mao during the last year of the Chinese civil war and the emergence of the Cold War. They show how the interplay of perceptions, national security policies, and personalities shaped those relations and were used by the North Korean leader Kim Il Sung to win backing for the invasion of South Korea. The authors also examine the Sino-Soviet alliance, drawing on hitherto unknown secret protocols and understandings and the records of high-level planning that led to the invasion and to the Chinese intervention in Korea. The book is illustrated with 42 photographs and two maps and is the fourth volume in the series, Studies in International Security and Arms Control, sponsored by the Center for International Security and Arms Control at Stanford University.
It is well known that the Soviet Union strongly influenced China in the early 1950s, since China committed itself both to the Sino-Soviet alliance and to the Soviet model of … It is well known that the Soviet Union strongly influenced China in the early 1950s, since China committed itself both to the Sino-Soviet alliance and to the Soviet model of building socialism. What is less well known is that Chinese proved receptive not only to the Soviet economic model but also to the emulation of the Soviet Union in realms such as those of ideology, education, science, and culture. In this book an international group of scholars examines China's acceptance and ultimate rejection of Soviet models and practices in economic, cultural, social, and other realms. The chapters vividly illustrate the wide-ranging and multi-dimensional nature of Soviet influence, which to this day continues to manifest itself in one critical aspect, namely in China's rejection of liberal political reform.
A famine in the 1990s killed as many as 1 million North Koreans or roughly 5 percent of the population. North Korean claims that the famine was due primarily to … A famine in the 1990s killed as many as 1 million North Koreans or roughly 5 percent of the population. North Korean claims that the famine was due primarily to natural disasters and external shocks were misleading in important respects: the decline in food production and the deterioration in internal conditions were visible years before the floods of 1995, but the government was culpably slow to take the necessary steps to guarantee adequate food supplies. With plausible policy adjustments—such as maintaining food imports on commercial terms or aggressively seeking multilateral assistance—the government could have avoided the famine. Instead, it blocked humanitarian aid to the hardest hit parts of the country during the peak of the famine and curtailed commercial imports of food once humanitarian assistance began. Coping responses by households during the famine contributed to a bottom-up marketization of the economy, in effect, ratified by the economic policy changes introduced by the North Korean government in 2002. What began as a socialist famine arising out of failed agricultural policies and a misguided emphasis on food self-sufficiency has evolved into a chronic emergency more akin to those observed in market economies. The world community responded to this tragedy with considerable generosity. Yet at virtually every point, the North Korean government placed roadblocks in the way of the donor community, and the relief effort was woefully below international standards in terms of transparency and effectiveness. Up to half of aid deliveries did not reach their intended recipients.
In Young Min | Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs
Why do some states abstain from acquiring nuclear weapons even when they have economic and technological capacity to manufacture them? Why do some states foreswear the nuclear option even when … Why do some states abstain from acquiring nuclear weapons even when they have economic and technological capacity to manufacture them? Why do some states foreswear the nuclear option even when they are threatened by an enemy possessing nuclear weapons? South Korea is an interesting case in this respect as it has long been regarded as having sufficient technological proficiency to develop nuclear weapons. The case becomes more of a puzzle when we realise that South Korea is being threatened by North Korea and has a history of pushing ahead with a secret nuclear weapons program during the 1970s. This article conducts a historical comparative case study of South Korea under presidents Park Chung Hee and Roh Moo Hyun to explain its contrasting nuclear choices. It argues that the perception of top decision-makers is the key explanatory variable for South Korea’s contrasting nuclear choices.
Previous studies on cancer risk near nuclear power plants (NPPs) have reported inconsistent results. This study aimed to estimate the standardized incidence ratios (SIRs) and standardized prevalence ratios (SPRs) of … Previous studies on cancer risk near nuclear power plants (NPPs) have reported inconsistent results. This study aimed to estimate the standardized incidence ratios (SIRs) and standardized prevalence ratios (SPRs) of cancer near a NPP in Korea. Claims data from the National Health Insurance Service (2006-2020) were used to calculate the SIRs and SPRs for all cancers and 17 radiation-related cancer types. Proximity to the Wolsong NPP in Gyeongju, Korea, was categorized into < 5 km (Region I), 5-9.9 km (Region II), 10-20 km (Region III), and 60-100 km (Region IV). The SIRs for all cancers were 1.12 (95% confidence interval: 0.83, 1.41), 1.50 (1.16, 1.85), 0.87 (0.76, 0.97), and 1.04 (0.91, 1.16) in Regions I, II, III, and IV, respectively. The SPRs for all cancers were 0.67 (0.59, 0.75), 0.78 (0.70, 0.87), 0.68 (0.65, 0.71), and 0.76 (0.72, 0.80) in Regions I, II, III, and IV, respectively. In the analyses combining Regions I and II, the SIRs for all cancers and stomach cancer, as well as the SPRs for esophageal cancer and lung cancer, were increased in regions located within 10 km from the NPP. Elevated, but statistically non-significant, point estimates of the SIR and SPR, with wide confidence intervals, were observed for several outcomes within 5 km of the NPP. This exploratory study provides information to design further longitudinal studies with individual-level data and more accurate exposure assessment to understand cancer risks near NPPs.
K. V. Prokhorov | Journal of Film Arts and Film Studies
The article is devoted to the history and artistic features of the cinema of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea). This topic’s relevance is based not only on … The article is devoted to the history and artistic features of the cinema of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea). This topic’s relevance is based not only on the strengthening of relations between our countries, but also on the insufficient research of this matter. The novelty of the study lies in the systematic presentation of the key stages of North Korean cinema from its inception in 1949 to the present. The author identifies its main genres and their characteristic features.
Jake Rinaldi | The US Army War College Quarterly Parameters
Ever since Taiwan implemented the lifting of martial law and China initiated its policy of reform and opening up, both sides of the Taiwan Strait and their officials and private … Ever since Taiwan implemented the lifting of martial law and China initiated its policy of reform and opening up, both sides of the Taiwan Strait and their officials and private sectors have set up unprecedented exchanges and interactions. The literature covering the issue of cross-strait identity has become an integral part of the development of such relations, but as the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) of Taiwan denies the existence of the 1992 Consensus, current cross-strait talks have fallen into a deadlock. Communist Party of China (CPC) authorities have perhaps noticed that it is difficult to force Taiwan to negotiate over the 1992 Consensus and have determined that the DPP government will never provide a satisfactory answer to the issue of national sovereignty. For this reason, CPC leaders have deemed that it is no longer necessary to engage in interactions at the official level. They have decided to bypass the Taiwan government and directly carry out unilateral work with the private sectors by proposing favour-granting policies with the expectation of using economic and cultural means to influence Taiwanese people to identify themselves with China. Taiwanese people’s identification with China is actually a political identification, which is an expression of political feelings as well as a political value or a political value orientation. Therefore, it is not necessarily rational thinking nor choice. The American scholar Ronald Inglehart has presented long-term observations on the relationship between European economic development and political and cultural changes and indicated that the former is an important variable affecting political culture, while political culture also shapes political identity. Therefore, this study focuses on Inglehart’s logical inferences and uses quantitative empirical methods for a discussion of cross-strait issues. This study obtains data from 1,237 samples through the distribution of questionnaires and applies Model 1 of Andrew F. Hayes’ process statistical analysis in SPSS statistical software to analyse the correlations among research variables in order to establish a well-rounded model including the 1992 Consensus, China’s favour-granting policies and Taiwanese identification with China. The research results show that: (a) China’s favour-granting policies have a positive effect on Taiwanese identification with China; (b) the 1992 Consensus has a positive effect on Taiwanese identification with China; but (c) the 1992 Consensus negatively influences China’s favour-granting policies and Taiwanese identification with China.
This study aims to compare the democratization process in Poland and South Korea in the late 1980s. Despite their distant geographical and cultural location, the two countries happen to share … This study aims to compare the democratization process in Poland and South Korea in the late 1980s. Despite their distant geographical and cultural location, the two countries happen to share many similarities regarding their recent history and geopolitics. For this reason, it is beneficial to compare the two in order to find out the main conditions and factors, which contributed to democratic transition in both of them. The study focuses on the ideas of democracy, democratization, and transplacement as the main concepts that define the democratization process in Poland and South Korea. Through the comparison, we find outthat there are many more similarities than differences between the two. We also learn that both economic stagnation and economic prosperity can similarly contribute to forcing authoritarian governments to democratize, yet the same economic factors also very often determine the final results of the process.
During the 20th century, Japanese politicians made several attempts to apologize to Koreans for incorporating their territory into Japan, as well as for occupational policies. However, these became insufficient. Stemming … During the 20th century, Japanese politicians made several attempts to apologize to Koreans for incorporating their territory into Japan, as well as for occupational policies. However, these became insufficient. Stemming from American pressure put onto both nations to reconcile, through few political statements, contemporary Korea and Japan still struggle over their history. This paper aims at analyzing why the expressions of remorse made by the Japanese in the 20th century were insufficient for the Korean side.
Park Chung-hee seized power through a military coup on May 16, 1961, and in October 1972, proposed the Yushin Constitution to solidify the foundation of his lifelong dictatorship. Following this, … Park Chung-hee seized power through a military coup on May 16, 1961, and in October 1972, proposed the Yushin Constitution to solidify the foundation of his lifelong dictatorship. Following this, a national referendum on constitutional amendments took place on the 21st of November in 1972, with a 92% approval, resulting in the Park Chung-hee’s constitutional amendment. This study aims to examine the process of amending the Yushin Constitution and explore the everyday life in South Korea under the dictatorship of Park Chunghee. Through this article, the author attempts to shed light on the often darkly portrayed life during that period, providing a more colorful perspective to the daily lives of individuals suppressed by the dictatorship.
Abstract Background: In Israel all residents are covered by universal health care and yet disparities in health care access and utilization exist. Jerusalem is the largest and poorest city in … Abstract Background: In Israel all residents are covered by universal health care and yet disparities in health care access and utilization exist. Jerusalem is the largest and poorest city in Israel, with significant Jewish ultra-orthodox and Arab communities. These two groups have shared reproductive factors, similar patriarchal community structures and often live in poverty. Under-utilization of health care services exist and yet no research has been performed on these populations in the advanced breast cancer (ABC) setting. Methods: Women with ABC were prospectively recruited after consenting and self-identified their religion &amp; level of religiosity. Clinical and demographic data were collected from the electronic medical record. Statistical comparisons were performed of demographic, clinical data and patient outcomes. Comparison of categorial variables was conducted by means of Chi Square calculations. Survival analyses were conducted by Kaplan-Meier analysis and Cox regression analysis. Focus groups and cross-sectional surveys of health care professionals (HCPs) were performed to assess perceived barriers to care. All analyses were conducted using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) (version 28.0). Results: The study included 179 patients, of whom 139 (77.7%) identified as Jewish Israeli and 39 (21.8%) as Arab. Amongst the Jewish patients, 31.4% identified as ultra-orthodox and 88% of the Arab patients identified as Muslim. 57% of patients were under the age of 50 with no difference between ethno-religious groups. Ultra-orthodox patients had a median of 6 children (range 0-16), the Muslim 4.5 (range 0-8) and the Jewish-other 3 (range 0-10), p&amp;lt;0.001. Menopausal status differed between groups - 55.5% of Jewish-other patients were post-menopausal, as compared to 20.9% of ultra-orthodox and 39.4% of Muslim patients, p=0.032. At diagnosis, 75% of ultra-orthodox patients and 63.6% of Muslim patients had stage IV disease as compared to 34.3% of secular, 26.9% of traditional and 59.4% of orthodox Jewish patients, p&amp;lt;0.001. 87.9% of Muslim patients had HR+/HER2-neg subtype compared to 68.2% of the ultra-orthodox, 67.7% of orthodox, 68% of traditional and 57.1% of secular patients, p=0.006. Once diagnosed with metastatic disease, there were no significant differences in standard of care management as measured by performance of biopsy at recurrence, administration of standard of care therapies and performance of genetic and genomic testing when indicated. Overall survival (from initial diagnosis until death) adjusting for age &amp; stage at diagnosis &amp; subtype was significantly worse for the Muslim patients, followed by the ultra-orthodox as compared to the Jewish-other population (p&amp;lt;0.001). Hazard ratio (HR) for death for an ultra-orthodox patient compared to Jewish-other was HR 3.61 [95% CI 1-13] and for a Muslim patient compared to Jewish-other was HR 4.64 [95% CI 1.2-17.]. Key themes amongst the HCPs with regards to both minority groups was the perception that both receive sub-optimal care and that many barriers exist including poor communication, poor understanding of culture and norms of these groups as well as a sense of judgment towards these groups. This led to strong feelings of helplessness and frustration amongst the HCPs. The findings were similarly expressed towards both minority groups. However, regarding the Arab patients the main barrier identified was language. Conclusions: Significant health care disparities exist amongst women with ABC in terms of disease characteristics and patient outcome, with less favorable characteristics and outcomes amongst Muslim Arab and Ultra-orthodox Jewish patients compared to the general Jewish population in Jerusalem. Further research is needed to understand the cause of these disparities and to create effective interventions to bridge these gaps. Citation Format: Shani Paluch-Shimon, Inbal Fuchs, Gil Goldzweig, Yehosua Akerman, Daniel Yusovich, Luna Kaduri, Ofra Maimon, Irit Marle, Beatrice Uziely, Noa Shafri, Yael Wygoda, Michal Braun. Health-care disparities between ethnically and religiously diverse population with advanced breast cancer [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the San Antonio Breast Cancer Symposium 2024; 2024 Dec 10-13; San Antonio, TX. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Clin Cancer Res 2025;31(12 Suppl):Abstract nr P5-02-11.
Кан Ден Сік | Вісник Київського національного лінгвістичного університету Серія Історія економіка філософія
The purpose of the article is to analyze the historical factors of the political and economic rapprochement between the two dictatorial regimes of the DPRK and Russia, which led not … The purpose of the article is to analyze the historical factors of the political and economic rapprochement between the two dictatorial regimes of the DPRK and Russia, which led not only to isolation and sanctions by the international community, but also to the direct participation of the North Korean military on the side of Russia in the war in Ukraine. The methodology of the article is based on a systematic methodological approach. Elements of the historical, comparative and legal methodological approaches are also applied. The legal methodological approach was used in analyzing the laws and regulatory framework on this issue. Among other scientific methods, the following were used: system analysis, synthesis, classification and typologization, extrapolation in relation to institutional forms, the method of information monitoring, collection of statistical material on the issue, etc. Scientific novely. Based on the analysis of available sources, the author identified the reasons that led to the intensification of cooperation between the DPRK and Russian regimes not only in the exchange of experience in the development of military technologies and scientific and technical developments, but also stimulated the direct participation of the DPRK military on the side of Russia in the war with Ukraine. Conclusions. It is determined that the key historical factor in the political and economic rapprochement between the DPRK and Russia was the failure of the Hanoi Summit in 2019, after which North Korea, according to “Plan B”, chose an aggressive offensive strategy against South Korea, and began to implement a strategy of sharp rapprochement with Russia and a strategy of strengthening its nuclear missile forces. It is emphasized that the consequences of such rapprochement, and especially the direct participation of the North Korean military on the side of Russia in the war in Ukraine, actualize the threat to freedom and democracy from dictatorial regimes, the threat of aggravation of the situation not only on the Korean Peninsula but also in the whole world, which is also a threat of a third world war.
Zachary Surmacz | Hatfield Graduate Journal of Public Affairs
What U.S. policy would deescalate cross-strait tensions, while maintaining Taiwan’s security? This article is supported by the information and perspectives received from 12, one-on-one, semi-structured interviews with a variety of … What U.S. policy would deescalate cross-strait tensions, while maintaining Taiwan’s security? This article is supported by the information and perspectives received from 12, one-on-one, semi-structured interviews with a variety of thought leaders in Taiwan. The goal of this proposal is to provide policymakers in the United States with a path for protecting Taiwan, while responsibly managing the U.S.-China relationship. The paper begins with a short background of the complex policy problem facing Taiwan and a review of the current official U.S. policy of “strategic ambiguity." The article then provides an evaluation of the U.S. policy by comparing its stated goals with current outcomes. Finally, three different policy options are proposed (Taiwan militarization, Taiwan internationalization, and U.S. Constructivism) and Taiwan internationalization is recommended as a successful “quiet, yet substantive” policy option for the U.S. in the 21st century.
| Cambridge University Press eBooks
Одной из приоритетных задач валеологии и нутрициологии является изучение путей и средств сохранения и укрепления здоровья человека. Целью исследования является изучение и оценка характера составляющей образа жизни студентов: режима питания, … Одной из приоритетных задач валеологии и нутрициологии является изучение путей и средств сохранения и укрепления здоровья человека. Целью исследования является изучение и оценка характера составляющей образа жизни студентов: режима питания, в том числе пищевого поведения, стереотипов, водного питания, состояния здоровья, вредных привычек и уровня физиической активности. Проведен опрос 212 студентов бакалавриата факультета технологий продовольствия НАУА за 2019–2024 уч. годы по разработанной карте обследования образа жизни с оценкой начальных (до занятий) и окончательных (после курса обучения) результатов наблюдений. По итогам раздела анкеты «Самооценка проблем со здоровьем» выявлено, что удельный вес отмеченных ранее признаков психического здоровья студентов (утомляемость, слабость, беспокойство, депрессии, подверженность стрессам, же- лудочно-кишечные проблемы), развившихся в результате обезвоживания, значительно уменьшился – в 2,2 – 6,6 раза благодаря регулировке водного баланса организма. Потребление фаст-фуда, вредных напитков (газированных, сладких соков и кофе), табака и алкоголя сократилось в 1,3 – 6,5 раза в результате произведенных студентами изменений качества пищевого поведения и отказа от вредных привычек. Освоение основ здорового образа жизни, изменение характера водного питания, улучшение пищевого поведения, дифференциация вредных продуктов, осознанный отказ от вредных привычек, повышение уровня двигательной активности, а также применение полученных знаний и навыков на практике, обосновывают необходимость и эффективность обучения предмету «Нутрициология» и будут способствовать сохранению и укреплению психического здоровья и улучшению качества жизни студенчества. One of the priority objects of health science and nutritionology is the study of ways and means of maintaining and strengthening human health. The purpose of the study is to investigate and evaluate the nature of the component of students' lifestyles: diet, including eating behavior, stereotypes, water nutrition, health status, consumption of harmful habits and level of physical activity. A survey of 212 undergraduate students of the Faculty of Food Technology of ANAU was conducted for the 2019–2024 academic years using the developed lifestyle survey map with an assessment of the initial (before classes) and final (after the course of study) observation results. Based on the results of the “Self-assessment of health problems” section of the questionnaire, it was revealed that the proportion of previously noted signs of students’ mental health (fatigue, weakness, anxiety, depression, susceptibility to stress, gastrointestinal problems) that developed as a result of dehydration, significantly decreased in 2,2 – 6,6 times due to the regulation of the body’s water balance. Consumption of fast food, unhealthy drinks (carbonated drinks, sweet juices and coffee), tobacco and alcohol decreased in 1,3 – 6,5 times as a result of changes in the quality of eating behavior made by students and the rejection of bad habits. Mastering the basics of a healthy lifestyle, changing the nature of water nutrition, improving eating behavior, differentiating harmful products, consciously giving up bad habits, increasing the level of physical activity, as well as applying the acquired knowledge and skills in practice, justify the need and effectiveness of teaching the subject “Nutritionology” and will contribute to maintaining and strengthening mental health and improving the quality of students’ life.
Christina Hiessl | International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations