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Political Theory and Influence

Works Count: 34226

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This cluster of papers explores the liberal political thought in 19th century Europe, focusing on the works and ideas of prominent figures such as John Stuart Mill, Alexis de Tocqueville, and Benjamin Constant. It delves into topics such as imperialism, democracy, colonialism, and the role of the nation-state in historical perspective.

Keywords

John Stuart Mill; Alexis de Tocqueville; Benjamin Constant; Imperialism; Democracy; French Liberalism; Colonialism; Nineteenth Century; Political Philosophy; Nation-State

Philosophy and the State in France

1980-12-31

Nannerl O. Keohane

Tracing the development of French political thought in the seventeenth century, Nannerl Keohane explores a quite different emphasis on the indivisibility of sovereignty and the expression of interests rather than … Tracing the development of French political thought in the seventeenth century, Nannerl Keohane explores a quite different emphasis on the indivisibility of sovereignty and the expression of interests rather than rights. Originally published in 1980. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

On Human Diversity: Nationalism, Racism, and Exoticism in French Thought

1993-01-01

Fritz Stern , Tzvetan Todorov

How can we think about people and cultures unlike our own? In the early modern period, the fact of human diversity presented Europeans with little cause for anxiety: they simply … How can we think about people and cultures unlike our own? In the early modern period, the fact of human diversity presented Europeans with little cause for anxiety: they simply assumed the superiority of the West. During the 18th century this view was gradually abandoned, as thinkers argued that other peoples possessed reason and sensibility, and thus deserved the same respect that Westerners accorded themselves. Since that time, however, Enlightenment belief in the universalities of human nature has fallen into disrepute; critics allege that such notions have had disastrous consequences in the 20th century, ranging from prejudice to persecution and outright genocide. Tzvetan Todorov, aims in this book to salvage the good name of the Enlightenment so that its ideas can once more inspire humane thought and action. The question he poses is of relevance to the conflicts of our age: How can we avoid the dangers of a perverted universalism and scientism, as well as the pitfalls of relativism? Since the French were the ideologues of universalism and played a pre-eminent role in the diffusion of Enlightenment ideas in Europe, Todorov focuses on the French intellectual tradition, analyzing writers ranging from Montaigne through Tocqueville, Michelet, and Renan, to Levi Strauss. He shows how theories of human diversity were developed in the 18th century, and later systematically distorted. The virtues of Enlightenment thought became vices in the hands of 19th century thinkers, as a result of racism, nationalism, and the search for exoticism. Todorov calls for us to reject this legacy and to strive once again for an acceptance of human diversity, through critical humanism prefigured in the writings of Rousseau and Montesquieu. This is a work that can help us think incisively about the racial and ethnic tensions confronting the world today.

The future of freedom : illiberal democracy at home and abroad

2004-01-01

Fareed Zakaria

A modern classic that uses historical analysis to shed light on the present, The Future of Freedom is, as the Chicago Tribune put it, essential reading for anyone worried about … A modern classic that uses historical analysis to shed light on the present, The Future of Freedom is, as the Chicago Tribune put it, essential reading for anyone worried about the promotion and preservation of liberty. Hailed by the New York Times as brave and ambitious...updated Tocqueville, it enjoyed extended stays on the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, and Washington Post bestseller lists and has been translated into eighteen languages. Prescient in laying out the distinction between democracy and liberty, the book now contains a new afterword on the United States's occupation of Iraq. Intensely provocative and valuable, according to BusinessWeek, with an easy command of history, philosophy, and current affairs, The Future of Freedom calls for a restoration of the balance between liberty and democracy and shows how politics and government can be made effective and relevant for our time.

Cours de philosophie positive

2002-01-01

Auguste Comte

Discours sur l'esprit positif.Une édition électronique réalisée à partir du livre d'Auguste Comte (1842), Discours sur l'esprit positif.Suivi de cinq documents annexes. Polices de caractères utilisée :Pour le texte: Times, … Discours sur l'esprit positif.Une édition électronique réalisée à partir du livre d'Auguste Comte (1842), Discours sur l'esprit positif.Suivi de cinq documents annexes. Polices de caractères utilisée :Pour le texte: Times, 12 points.Pour les citations : Times 10 points.Pour les notes de bas de page : Times, 10 points.Les formules utilisées par Engels dans ce livre ont été réécrites avec l'éditeur d'équations de Microsoft Word 2001.* Presque toutes les explications habituelles relatives aux phénomènes sociaux, la plupart de celles qui concernent l'homme intellectuel et moral, une grande partie de nos théories physiologiques ou médicales, et même aussi plusieurs théories chimiques, etc., rappellent encore directement l'étrange manière de philosopher si plaisamment caractérisée par Molière, sans aucune grave exagération, à l'occasion, Far exemple, de la vertu dormitive de l'opium, conformément à l'ébranlement décisif que Descartes venait de faire subir à tout le régime des entités.

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Philosophy of right

1953-01-01

Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel , T. M. Knox

Among the most influential parts of the philosophy of G W F Hegel (1770-1831) were his ethics, his theory of the state, and his philosophy of history. The Philosophy of … Among the most influential parts of the philosophy of G W F Hegel (1770-1831) were his ethics, his theory of the state, and his philosophy of history. The Philosophy of Right (1821), the last work published in Hegel's lifetime, is combined system of moral and political philosophy, or sociology dominated by the idea of the state. Here Hegel repudiates his earlier assessment of the French Revolution as a marvellous sunrise in the realisation of liberty. Rejecting the republican form of government, he espouses an idealised form of constitutional monarchy, whose ultimate power rests with the sovereign.

Collusion and the theory of organizations

2008-12-02

Jean Tirole

The phenomenon of collusion, and the concomitant concepts of "group," "power," "bureaucracy," and "politics" figure prominently in political science and sociology. Political scientists have always been concerned by the possibility … The phenomenon of collusion, and the concomitant concepts of "group," "power," "bureaucracy," and "politics" figure prominently in political science and sociology. Political scientists have always been concerned by the possibility that politicians and bureaucrats might identify with interest groups rather than serve the public interest. Montesquieu's plea for building a system of checks and balances among branches of government to limit the perversion of public policy, and the writings of the American federalists, in particular Madison, have deeply influenced the design of many constitutions. Later, Marx suggested that the State uses its coercive power to benefit large trusts. This vision of the capture of political life by interest groups was considerably enriched in the twentieth century by political scientists (Bentley, Truman) and especially by the political economists of the Chicago school (Stigler, Peltzman, Becker) and the Virginia school (Buchanan, Tollison, Tullock).

Adam Smith and the virtues of Enlightenment

1999-05-01

Charles L. Griswold

Cet article rapporte la presentation d'un livre de Charles Griswold, Adam Smith et les vertus du Siecle des Lumieres paru en 1999, lors d'un seminaire qu'il animait, ainsi que la … Cet article rapporte la presentation d'un livre de Charles Griswold, Adam Smith et les vertus du Siecle des Lumieres paru en 1999, lors d'un seminaire qu'il animait, ainsi que la discussion qui a suivi. Selon lui, nous avons actuellement le sentiment que nous avons epuise notre heritage moral et intellectuel, et qu'il nous manque les moyens de le regenerer. Mais nous devons d'abord nous en assurer. Existe-t-il des ressources occultees ou mal interpretees d'autocritique et de justification dans le Siecle des Lumieres, surtout celles qui gardent des aspects importants de la pensee antique ? Si oui, nous devrions les examiner avec soin. Adam Smith est l'une de ces ressources. Telle est la these generale de l'ouvrage que l'A. presente ici.

Bad Civil Society

2001-12-01

Simone Chambers , Jeffrey Kopstein

Examinant les differentes versions de l'argument de la societe civile en faveur de la democratie liberale, l'A. interroge les raisons socio-economiques qui poussent les gens a rejoindre de mauvaises organisations … Examinant les differentes versions de l'argument de la societe civile en faveur de la democratie liberale, l'A. interroge les raisons socio-economiques qui poussent les gens a rejoindre de mauvaises organisations qui portent prejudice aux associations et a l'efficacite democratique.

Rousseau's General Will: A Condorcetian Perspective

1988-06-01

Bernard Grofman , Scott L. Feld

We identify three basic elements of Rousseau's theory of the general will: (1) there is a common good; (2) citizens are not always accurate in their judgments about what is … We identify three basic elements of Rousseau's theory of the general will: (1) there is a common good; (2) citizens are not always accurate in their judgments about what is in the common good; and (3) when citizens strive to identify the common good and vote in accordance with their perceptions of it, the vote of the Assembly of the People can be taken to be the most reliable means for ascertaining the common good. We then show that Condorcet's (1785) model of collective judgment shares these assumptions with Rousseau and that understanding the implications of Condorcet's (1785) “jury theorem” enables us to clarify many of the most obscure aspects of Rousseau's treatment of the general will, including his discussion of the debilitating effects of factions and his confidence in the ability of the Assembly of the People to discern the general will by means of voting.

The principles of representative government

1998-02-01

Bernard Manin

The thesis of this original and provocative book is that representative government should be understood as a combination of democratic and undemocratic, aristocratic elements. Professor Manin challenges the conventional view … The thesis of this original and provocative book is that representative government should be understood as a combination of democratic and undemocratic, aristocratic elements. Professor Manin challenges the conventional view that representative democracy is no more than an indirect form of government by the people, in which citizens elect representatives only because they cannot assemble and govern in person. The argument is developed by examining the historical moments when the present institutional arrangements were chosen from among the then available alternatives. Professor Manin reminds us that while today representative institutions and democracy appear as virtually indistinguishable, when representative government was first established in Europe and America, it was designed in opposition to democracy proper. Drawing on the procedures used in earlier republican systems, from classical Athens to Renaissance Florence, in order to highlight the alternatives that were forsaken, Manin brings to the fore the generally overlooked results of representative mechanisms. These include the elitist aspect of elections and the non-binding character of campaign promises.

Structure, Agency and Historical Institutionalism

1998-12-01

Colin Hay , Daniel Wincott

As be®ts two if its principal exponents, Hall and Taylor's recent article `Political science and the three new institutionalisms' provides a meticulous and provocative review of the many faces of … As be®ts two if its principal exponents, Hall and Taylor's recent article `Political science and the three new institutionalisms' provides a meticulous and provocative review of the many faces of the `new institutionalism' and a distinctive contribution to the growing literature in this area in its own right.* It provides an important opportunity to consider again the strengths and weaknesses of contemporary institutionalism and to raise the question of how its many insights might be more fully incorporated within the British political science mainstream. While careful to distance themselves from the idea that a `crude synthesis' of rational choice, sociological and historical institutionalism is `immediately practical or even necessarily desirable' (p. 957), they suggest that a dialogue between them is both necessary and crucial. We argue that the prospects for such a dialogue are more limited than Hall and Taylor suggest. For, rational choice and sociological institutionalisms are based on mutually incompatible premises or `social ontologies'. Moreover, in identifying two social ontologies ± the calculus and cultural approaches ± within the historical institutionalist canon (and hence in reconstructing historical institutionalism in rational choice and sociological terms), we argue that Hall and Taylor do a considerable disservice to this distinctive approach to institutional analysis. While this view of historical institutionalism makes it appear `pivotal' to future dialogue between institutionalisms, such a reading neglects the potentially distinctive social ontology of this approach. This may leave historical institutionalism prone to precisely the tendential structuralism characteristic of much institutionalist analysis, while giving a super®cial impression that the approach has already overcome this problem. We argue that if institutionalism is to develop to its full potential, it must consider the relationship between structure and agency, on which Hall and Taylor merely touch, as a central analytic concern.

Coloniality of Power and Eurocentrism in Latin America

2000-06-01

Aníbal Quijano

The globalization of the world is, in the first place, the culmination of a process that began with the constitution of America and world capitalism as a Euro-centered colonial/modern world … The globalization of the world is, in the first place, the culmination of a process that began with the constitution of America and world capitalism as a Euro-centered colonial/modern world power. One of the foundations of that pattern of power was the social classification of the world population upon the base of the idea of race, a mental construct that expresses colonial experience and that pervades the most important dimensions of world power, including its specific rationality: Eurocentrism. This article discusses some implications of that coloniality of power in Latin American history.

On the Autonomy of the Democratic State

1982-06-01

Michael Kent Curtis , Eric A. Nordlinger

An Approach to the Analysis of Political Systems

1986-12-31

David Easton

I N an earlier work I have argued for the need to develop general, empirically oriented theory as the most economical way in the long run to understand political life. … I N an earlier work I have argued for the need to develop general, empirically oriented theory as the most economical way in the long run to understand political life. Here I propose to indicate a point of view that, at the least, might serve as a springboard for discussion of alternative approaches and, at most, as a small step in the direction of a general political theory. I wish to stress that what I have to say is a mere orientation to the problem of theory; outside of economics and perhaps psychology, it would be presumptuous to call very much in social science “theory,” in the strict sense of the term.

A History of Political Theory

1938-04-01

C. H. McIlwain , George H. Sabine

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State Sovereignty as Social Construct

1996-05-02

Thomas J. Biersteker , David Strang , Naeem Inayatullah +6 more

State sovereignty is an inherently social construct. The modern state system is not based on some timeless principle of sovereignty, but on the production of a normative conception which links … State sovereignty is an inherently social construct. The modern state system is not based on some timeless principle of sovereignty, but on the production of a normative conception which links authority, territory, population (society, nation), and recognition in a unique way, and in a particular place (the state). Attempting to realize this ideal entails a great deal of hard work on the part of statespersons, diplomats, and intellectuals. The ideal of state sovereignty is a product of the actions of powerful agents and the resistances to those actions by those located at the margins of power. The unique contribution of this book is to describe, theorize, and illustrate the practices which have socially constructed, reproduced, reconstructed, and deconstructed various sovereign ideals and resistances to them. The contributors analyse how all the components of state sovereignty - not only recognition, but also territory, population, and authority - are socially constructed and combined in specific historical contexts.

Democracy and Disagreement

1995-03-01

Alain Boyer

Abstract. According to Popper's critical rationalism, the possibility of disagreement is at the heart of open societies. If this is assumed to be true, is it not illiberal to try … Abstract. According to Popper's critical rationalism, the possibility of disagreement is at the heart of open societies. If this is assumed to be true, is it not illiberal to try to justify principles of justice, which can be regarded as the subject of an unending collective deliberation? I suggest that it is not, using an analogy with scientific progress. Moreover, I try to show that Rawls's achievement is misunderstood if one forgets that it is supposed to overcome the antinomy between “la liberté des Modemes” and “la liberté des Anciens.” In this respect, I insist on some unnoticed similarities between Rawls's and Popper's points of views. I conclude on the idea of the “neutrality” of the theory of justice, suggesting a link between Rawls's approach and the French republican tradition.

Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy

1959-03-01

Seymour Martin Lipset

The conditions associated with the existence and stability of democratic society have been a leading concern of political philosophy. In this paper the problem is attacked from a sociological and … The conditions associated with the existence and stability of democratic society have been a leading concern of political philosophy. In this paper the problem is attacked from a sociological and behavioral standpoint, by presenting a number of hypotheses concerning some social requisites for democracy, and by discussing some of the data available to test these hypotheses. In its concern with conditions—values, social institutions, historical events—external to the political system itself which sustain different general types of political systems, the paper moves outside the generally recognized province of political sociology. This growing field has dealt largely with the internal analysis of organizations with political goals, or with the determinants of action within various political institutions, such as parties, government agencies, or the electoral process. It has in the main left to the political philosopher the larger concern with the relations of the total political system to society as a whole.

Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy

1999-01-01

Fred H. Lawson

Journal Article Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy Get access Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy by Stephen D. Krasner. Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1999. 264 pp. Cloth, $49.50; paper, $16.95. Fred H. Lawson Fred H. … Journal Article Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy Get access Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy by Stephen D. Krasner. Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1999. 264 pp. Cloth, $49.50; paper, $16.95. Fred H. Lawson Fred H. Lawson Mills College Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Political Science Quarterly, Volume 114, Issue 4, Winter 1999, Pages 716–717, https://doi.org/10.2307/2657807 Published: 15 February 2013

Civil Society and the Collapse of the Weimar Republic

1997-04-01

Sheri Berman

Practically everywhere one looks these days the concept of “civil society” is in vogue. Neo-Tocquevillean scholars argue that civil society plays a role in driving political, social, and even economic … Practically everywhere one looks these days the concept of “civil society” is in vogue. Neo-Tocquevillean scholars argue that civil society plays a role in driving political, social, and even economic outcomes. This new conventional wisdom, however, is flawed. It is simply not true that democratic government is always strengthened, not weakened, when it faces a vigorous civil society. This essay shows how a robust civil society helped scuttle the twentieth century's most critical democratic experiment, Weimar Germany. An important implication of this analysis is that under certain circumstances associationism and the prospects for democratic stability can actually be inversely related. To know when civil society activity will take on oppositional or even antidemocratic tendencies, one needs to ground one's analyses in concrete examinations of political reality. Political scientists should remember that Tocqueville considered Americans' political associations to be as important as their nonpolitical ones, and they should therefore examine more closely the connections between the two under various conditions.

Conservatism and Personality

1958-03-01

Herbert McClosky

If justification were needed for taking notice once again of the liberal-conservative distinction, it would be sufficient, I suppose, merely to observe that this division has been injected into the … If justification were needed for taking notice once again of the liberal-conservative distinction, it would be sufficient, I suppose, merely to observe that this division has been injected into the politics of Western nations for at least two centuries and, depending on the nature of one's criteria, perhaps longer. The distinction between the two camps has not always been sharply drawn, of course, for both have been compelled, as a condition for survival, to hold important beliefs in common. Moreover, each has reversed itself on certain issues, such as government regulation of the economy, casting off old views in favor of beliefs previously cherished by the other. Competing for popular support in elections, and succeeding one another in office, the two camps have, of necessity, taken on many values in common, tempering their programs and adjusting their courses to the practical requirements of political contest. In a system like ours, where the parties have functioned less as ideological movements than as brokerage organizations hoping to attract majority support from almost every segment of the electorate, the distinction has tended to be dulled even further, until, at the actual scenes of daily political struggle, it has often faded entirely.

The Collected Works of John Stuart Mill

1982-01-01

James T Bastable

Meaning and understanding in the history of ideas

2010-08-04

Quentin Skinner

The task of the historian of ideas is to study and interpret a canon of classic texts. The value of writing this kind of history stems from the fact that … The task of the historian of ideas is to study and interpret a canon of classic texts. The value of writing this kind of history stems from the fact that the classic texts in moral, political, religious and other such modes of thought contain a 'dateless wisdom' in the form of 'universal ideas'. As a result, we can hope to learn and benefit directly from investigating these 'timeless elements', since they possess a perennial relevance. This in turn suggests that the best way to approach these texts must be to concentrate on what each of them says about each of the 'fundamental concepts' and 'abiding questions' of morality, politics, religion, social life. We must be ready, in other words, to read each of the classic texts 'as though it were written by a contemporary'. It is indeed essential to approach them in this way, focusing simply on their arguments and examining what they have to tell us about the perennial issues. If instead we become sidetracked into examining the social conditions or the intellectual contexts out of which they arose, we shall lose sight of their dateless wisdom and thereby lose contact with the value and purpose of studying them.

Is public justification self-defeating?

2002-12-01

Steven Wall

Soulevant la question de la justification du principe de la justification publique de l'autorite politique coercitive, l'A. montre que ce principe n'obeit pas aux conditions de publicite et d'acceptabilite qui … Soulevant la question de la justification du principe de la justification publique de l'autorite politique coercitive, l'A. montre que ce principe n'obeit pas aux conditions de publicite et d'acceptabilite qui fondent la justification publique. Examinant la fonction de reconciliation ainsi que le statut du principe d'egalite, l'A. rejette ce principe comme principe insuffisant de la legitimite politique.

Cours de philosophie positive

2002-01-01

Auguste Comte

On ne peut imaginer quelle image le positivisme aurait donné de lui-même si le Cours de philosophie positive n'avait pas été publié et diffusé comme il le fut, alors qu'il … On ne peut imaginer quelle image le positivisme aurait donné de lui-même si le Cours de philosophie positive n'avait pas été publié et diffusé comme il le fut, alors qu'il n'était qu'une préparation, un détour, non une fin mais un moyen, « un moyen en vue d'une fin » (P.Arbousse-Bastide).En fait, pour les mémoires, le positivisme est demeuré la philosophie du Cours de philosophie positive.De cette méprise, toute l'optique en a été faussée : le moyen a été pris pour la fin.Tel fut l'envers du succès.Enseigné d'abord au domicile d'Auguste Comte (alors rue du Faubourg-Montmartre) à partir du 2 avril 1826, le Cours avait été annoncé par une note manuscrite présentant ce bref programme 1 qui resta inchangé pour l'essentiel.

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The Paranoid Style in American Politics. And Other Essays

1966-01-01

R. M. Cook , Richard Hofstadter

Republicanism

1999-09-16

Philip Pettit

Abstract The long republican tradition is characterized by a conception of freedom as non‐domination, which offers an alternative, both to the negative view of freedom as non‐interference and to the … Abstract The long republican tradition is characterized by a conception of freedom as non‐domination, which offers an alternative, both to the negative view of freedom as non‐interference and to the positive view of freedom as self‐mastery. The first part of the book traces the rise and decline of the conception, displays its many attractions and makes a case for why it should still be regarded as a central political ideal. The second part of the book looks at the sorts of political and civil institutions that would be required in a society in which freedom as non‐domination is systematically fostered. It outlines the causes and policies, the constitutional and democratic forms, and the regulatory controls that a republican state ought to endorse. And it argues for a vision of the state's relation to civil society in which there is no pretence of doing without widespread civility and trust; the argument is that the state ought, at once, to foster and build on such extra‐political foundations.

The New Sovereignty

1995-12-31

Abram Chayes , Antonia Handler Chayes

A System of Logic, Ratiocinative and Inductive

2011-12-08

John Stuart Mill

This two-volume work, first published in 1843, was John Stuart Mill's first major book. It reinvented the modern study of logic and laid the foundations for his later work in … This two-volume work, first published in 1843, was John Stuart Mill's first major book. It reinvented the modern study of logic and laid the foundations for his later work in the areas of political economy, women's rights and representative government. In clear, systematic prose, Mill (1806–73) disentangles syllogistic logic from its origins in Aristotle and scholasticism and grounds it instead in processes of inductive reasoning. An important attempt at integrating empiricism within a more general theory of human knowledge, the work constitutes essential reading for anyone seeking a full understanding of Mill's thought. Volume 1 contains Mill's introduction, which elaborates upon his definition of logic as 'not the science of Belief, but the science of Proof, or Evidence'. It also features discussions of the central components of logical reasoning - propositions and syllogisms - in relation to Mill's theories of inductive reasoning and experimental method.

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Collected Works of John Stuart Mill

2013-10-16

John M. Robson

An Approach to the Analysis of Political Systems

1957-04-01

David Easton

Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government.

1999-01-01

Erin L. Kelly , Philip Pettit

Public Moralists

1991-09-26

Stefan Collini

Abstract This imaginative and unusual book explores the moral sensibilities and cultural assumptions that were at the heart of political debate in Victorian and early twentieth-century Britain. It focuses on … Abstract This imaginative and unusual book explores the moral sensibilities and cultural assumptions that were at the heart of political debate in Victorian and early twentieth-century Britain. It focuses on the role of intellectuals as public moralists, and suggests ways in which their more formal political theory rested upon habits of response and evaluation that were deeply embedded in wider social attitudes and aesthetic judgements. Stefan Collini examines the characteristic idioms and strategies of argument employed in periodical and polemical writing, and reconstructs the sense of identity and of relation to an audience exhibited by social critics from John Stuart Mill and Matthew Arnold to J. M. Keynes and F. R. Leavis. Dr Collini begins by situating the leading intellectuals in the social and political world of the Victorian governing classes. He explores fundamental values like `altruism’, `character’, and `manliness’, which are revealed as the animating dynamic of much of the political thought of the period. The book assesses the impact of increasing academic specialization across a range of disciplines, and offers an illuminating analysis of the public voice of legal theorists like Maine and Dicey. Through a detailed study of J.S. Mill’s posthumous reputation Dr Collini uncovers the process by which the genealogy of images of national cultural identity is established; and he concludes with a provocative exploration of the nationalist significance of what he calls `the Whig interpretation of English literature’. Public Moralists is a subtle and illuminating study by a leading intellectual historian which will redirect debate about the distinctive development of modern English culture.

The discourses and other early political writings

1997-01-01

Jean‐Jacques Rousseau , Victor Gourevitch

Preface Introduction Chronology of Jean-Jacques Rousseau A brief guide to further reading A note on the texts A note on the translations A note on the editorial notes and index … Preface Introduction Chronology of Jean-Jacques Rousseau A brief guide to further reading A note on the texts A note on the translations A note on the editorial notes and index Discourse on the Science and Arts or First Discourse Preface Part I Part II Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men or Second Discourse Epistle dedicatory Preface Exordium Part I Part II Rousseau's notes Letter to Voltaire Essay on the Origin of Languages Idea of the Method in the Composition of a Book Discourse on the Virtue a Hero Most Needs or On Heroic Virtue List of abbreviations and textual conventions Editorial notes Index of editors, translators and annotators General index.

AUTHORITY [FREEDOM AND SERVILITY] [N.D.]

2025-06-24

| Anthem Press eBooks

Tocqueville against Guizot? On Gianna Englert’s Democracy Tamed

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Gregory Conti | History of European Ideas

Montesquieu’s heirs? On Gianna Englert’s Democracy Tamed

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Danielle Charette James | History of European Ideas

The French People Will Never Forget Your Republican Virtues

2025-06-17

| Yale University Press eBooks

Scholars and Their Kin: Historical Explorations, Literary ExperimentsEdited by StéphaneGerson, Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2025. 236 pp. $27.95 (Paperback), $80.00 (Hardback). ISBN: 978‐0‐226‐82083‐5

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Theodore Bain | The Journal of American Culture

Thomas Paine’in Cumhuriyetçi Politik Kuruluşu

2025-06-14

Özlem Ünlü | Deleted Journal

Modern politikayı tanımlayan ve on dokuzuncu yüzyılda zemin kazanacak olan, ulusal çoğunluğun politik iktidara katılması Amerikan Bağımsızlık Savaşı ve Fransız Devrimi olmak üzere iki politik devrim etrafında gerçekleşmiştir. Thomas Paine, … Modern politikayı tanımlayan ve on dokuzuncu yüzyılda zemin kazanacak olan, ulusal çoğunluğun politik iktidara katılması Amerikan Bağımsızlık Savaşı ve Fransız Devrimi olmak üzere iki politik devrim etrafında gerçekleşmiştir. Thomas Paine, ilk yıllarından itibaren bu demokrasi hareketlerini monarşiye karşı cumhuriyetçilik düşüncesini geliştirerek hem teoride hem pratikte desteklemiş politik bir aktördür. Bu çalışmanın amacı, ilkin Paine’in cumhuriyetçi politik kuruluşunu monarşi ile hak üzerinden kurduğu karşıtlık içinde anlamaktır. Bunun için Paine’in, çağdaşları Edmund Burke ve Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès ile girdiği polemiklere başvurulacaktır. İkinci olarak, Paine'in 1791-1792 tarihli İnsan Hakları eserinde formüle ettiği cumhuriyetçilikle, 1776 tarihli Sağduyu metninde savunduğu cumhuriyetçilik düşüncesinin gelişimini takip etmektir. Paine’in Sağduyu eserinde ortaya koyduğu üç çekirdek cumhuriyetçi ilke sırasıyla, monarşi karşıtlığı, Aydınlanmacı akılcılık ve ılımlı bir refahın cumhuriyetin vaatlerinden birisi olması gerektiğidir. Paine’in Fransız Devrimi üzerine düşünceleri geliştikçe bu ilkeler dönüşür ve belirlenim kazanır. İnsan Hakları Paine’in cumhuriyeti hem politik kuruluşun kendisi hem hükümet biçimi olarak formüle ettiği, böylelikle cumhuriyetçi geleneğe yaptığı özgün katkıyı sunduğu çalışma olarak öne çıkar. İster anayasa ve hükümet ister yasama ve yürütme ister yasama ve yargı arasında olsun, tüm bu politik ikiliklerde cumhuriyetçi politik kuruluşun esas fikri uygulamayı, yani yürütmeyi düzenlemektir.

Moral Embourgeoisement

2025-06-10

William Kay | Routledge eBooks

Mill and Poetry: The Central Years

2025-06-09

Peter Morgan | Routledge eBooks

Charles Fourier ou comment l’utopie n’est pas utopique

2025-06-05

Louis Ucciani | Le Français aujourd hui

:Travels with Tocqueville Beyond America

2025-06-01

Jonathan Beecher | The Journal of Modern History

Liberdade e Autonomia: um ensaio sobre a influência do Contrato Social de Rousseau na filosofia prática kantiana

2025-06-01

Daniel da Silva Campos , Cláudio Araújo Reis | Revista Iluminus.

Esta pesquisa irá tratar do pensamento filosófico de Rousseau e Kant. No que tange ao primeiro, a exposição de sua filosofia política, fundamentada na preservação inevitável da liberdade e no … Esta pesquisa irá tratar do pensamento filosófico de Rousseau e Kant. No que tange ao primeiro, a exposição de sua filosofia política, fundamentada na preservação inevitável da liberdade e no pacto social; em relação a Kant, o foco será em sua filosofia prática, tratando do imperativo categórico e das regras morais da razão que estão no alicerce da ética kantiana, assim como o conceito de reino dos fins. O texto seguirá uma linha narrativa, mostrando como a filosofia contratualista de Rousseau foi importante para o desenvolvimento da Ética de Kant, relacionando conceitos como leis, vontade, dever e razão, dando uma relevância maior aos conceitos de liberdade e autonomia. Uma pesquisa fundada em História da Filosofia, Ética e Filosofia Política.

Sovereignty as magnanimous agency

2025-05-27

Federico Szczaranski , Leonardo Cofré

Mario Turchetti, Bodin et l’histoire des idées politiques

2025-05-22

Blandine Kriegel | Réforme Humanisme Renaissance

Déboulonner avec les Lumières ? Jean-Jacques Rousseau face aux nations néolibérales

2025-05-21

Flora Champy | Dix-huitième siècle

Contingencia y necesidad en Alexis de Tocqueville

2025-05-21

Elisa Usategui Basozabal

Tocqueville pretendía con sus análisis un acercamiento científico a la realidad social. Veía necesario la creación de “una ciencia nueva para un mundo enteramente nuevo”, pero esta ciencia no podía … Tocqueville pretendía con sus análisis un acercamiento científico a la realidad social. Veía necesario la creación de “una ciencia nueva para un mundo enteramente nuevo”, pero esta ciencia no podía anular de la historia la acción libre de los hombres, esa “cosa santa” que es la libertad humana. Esta defensa de la libertad le permite escapar del mecanicismo y de la noción de progreso imperante en la sociología positivista naciente, para afirmar la libertad como núcleo y contenido normativo de una teoría sociológica del cambio social. En Tocqueville se da una convergencia entre ciencia y valores. Al propio tiempo, sus investigaciones nunca tienen un carácter de curiosidad ociosa, sino que es una ciencia comprometida e íntimamente relacionada con los valores que guían su vida. Sus creencias se encuentran tácitamente en sus mismas preguntas y en las finalidades que otorgaba a su labor investigadora.

Ask a Political Scientist: A Conversation with Raymond Geuss on Realism, Liberalism, and Political Imagination

2025-05-21

Raymond Geuss , Alicia Steinmetz

A Comparison between Locke’s and Mill’s Notions of Liberty

2025-05-20

Seyedeh Negar Assadi

Tocqueville on Democracy and the Commercial Republic

2025-05-16

John C. Koritansky

Montesquieu:

2025-05-16

Paul A. Rahe

Does Voting Have the Same Meaning for Different People?

2025-05-13

Carolina Plescia

Alexis'o de Tocqueville'o knygos vertimas

2025-05-13

Aušra Rauličkytė

Tocqueville A. de. Apie demokratiją Amerikoje. - Vilnius: Amžius. - 1996. - 793 p. - Iš prancūzų kalbos vertė Valdas Petrauskas. Tocqueville A. de. Apie demokratiją Amerikoje. - Vilnius: Amžius. - 1996. - 793 p. - Iš prancūzų kalbos vertė Valdas Petrauskas.

Taylor and Rousseau on republican freedom and political fragmentation1

2025-05-08

Imad Salamey , Andrew Tsz Wan Hung

FRENCH PHILOSOPHY OF CONTINGENCY

2025-05-07

The Centrality of Voting in Democracy: The Plebiscitarian Origins of the Idea

2025-05-06

Gregory Yudin

Democracy is often equated with voting, an assumption shared by many defenders, reformers, and critics of liberal democracy. This article explores the origins of the idea of the centrality of … Democracy is often equated with voting, an assumption shared by many defenders, reformers, and critics of liberal democracy. This article explores the origins of the idea of the centrality of voting in democracy, arguing that current thinking about liberal democracy is heavily influenced by a nearly forgotten tradition of plebiscitary democracy. Originally conceived with a reverence for personalist leadership, this tradition sought to tame democracy. The article outlines three key stages in the development of the plebiscitary theory of voting. In the 19th century, the Bonapartist regime in France embraced the expansion of suffrage as a means to solidify monarchical power through popular acclamations. In the interwar period, thinkers such as Max Weber and Carl Schmitt, reflecting on the American and French mass voting experiences, developed a plebiscitary interpretation of voting and suggested a normative justification for a synthesis of democracy and monarchy. Later, plebiscitary theory influenced political science and its techniques for measuring democracy, notably through Joseph Schumpeter’s minimalist view, which, as argued here, was shaped by plebiscitarian intuitions. The focus on elections and plebiscites is unlikely to revive democracy; instead, it may pave the way for powerful monarchical leaders who claim to rely on popular will.

Militant liberalism and democratic eclipse Review Essay (SchupmannBenjamin A., Democracy Despite Itself. Oxford: OUP. 2024)

2025-05-06

Peter Niesen

French capitalism and the developmental state in the political economy of Michel Chevalier

2025-05-05

Teddy Paikin

2 Running before you can’t walk: Some thoughts about old age and epistemic progress on rereading the Republic

2025-05-04

Saloni de Souza

¿Puede la religión ser compatible con la doctrina utilitarista de J. S. Mill?

2025-04-30

Oscar Francisco Morales Bravo

En este artículo se analiza críticamente la compatibilidad entre la religión y el utilitarismo de J. S. Mill. En primer lugar, se consideran aspectos biográficos y filosóficos que establecen un … En este artículo se analiza críticamente la compatibilidad entre la religión y el utilitarismo de J. S. Mill. En primer lugar, se consideran aspectos biográficos y filosóficos que establecen un contraste entre el escepticismo de Mill y su interés religioso. A continuación, se discuten los argumentos teológicos y naturalistas que lo conducen a rechazar la religión y plantear una alternativa secular como sustituto. Luego, se examinan los vínculos entre el utilitarismo y la ética cristiana. Finalmente, se aborda la concepción liberal de Mill y su defensa de la libertad de credo como elemento fundamental para la felicidad general.

Teaching Strategies And Moral Value In “Freedom Writers” By Richard Lagravanese

2025-04-30

Murniasih Murniasih , Shiva Fauzia

The purpose of the research is to analyze Teaching Strategies and Moral Value in the movie “Freedom Writers” by Richard Lagravanese. This research is descriptive qualitative by content analysis. The … The purpose of the research is to analyze Teaching Strategies and Moral Value in the movie “Freedom Writers” by Richard Lagravanese. This research is descriptive qualitative by content analysis. The data source was taken from scene in the Freedom Writers movie. The object of this research is movie Freedom Writers directed by Richard LaGravenese. The instrument of the research is teaching strategies and moral value. In this research the researcher uses flow model analysis stated by Miles and Huberman to analyze the data, the activities in analyzing data are: (1) Displaying the data related of teaching techniques conducted by researcher and reducing unnecessary data from the movie. (2) Classifying the form of teaching techniques employed by the character in the Movie Freedom Writers. (3) Analyzing and interpreting the kinds of teaching techniques employed by character in the movie Freedom Writers. (4) Drawing conclusion from the data analysis and giving suggestion. The researcher at this stage in data processing is Drawing conclusion from the data analysis and giving suggestion in the form of a thesis. the writer found 16 total of dialogues teaching strategies in “Freedom Writers” movie by Richard Lagravanese which the highest percentages is Sociocultural – interactive strategies which consist of 7 dialogues (41%), Affective Strategy consist of 4 dialogues (24%), Cognitive Strategy consist of 3 (23%) and the last as the lowest is Compensatory Strategy consist of 2 dialogues (12%). the writer also found 17 total of dialogues moral value in “Freedom Writers” movie by Richard Lagravanese which the highest percentages is social moral which consist of 9 dialogues (53%), individual moral of 7 dialogues (41%), the last as the lowest is religion moral consist of 1 dialogue (6%).

A ‘violent republican’?

2025-04-28

Catriona Kennedy

Abstract This chapter explores McTier’s personal interpretation of republicanism and how this informed her personal conduct, her reading of Mary Wollstonecraft, and her political opinions. A detailed analysis of her … Abstract This chapter explores McTier’s personal interpretation of republicanism and how this informed her personal conduct, her reading of Mary Wollstonecraft, and her political opinions. A detailed analysis of her political thinking and philanthropic endeavours reveals her particular concern with the fragility of civil society as it buckled under the pressure of ideological conflict. In addressing this, McTier would look to alternative ways in which reform and Enlightenment values might be promoted without recourse to violence or damaging civil dissensus, a project that would connect her to networks of similarly reform-minded women working across the British Isles.

Winnington Hall

2025-04-28

J. M. Cohen

Imagining Freedom

2025-04-28

The Positivist Commune

2025-04-28

Laura C Forster

Abstract For the English Positivists the Paris Commune was the embodiment of their social republic: they saw in the Commune an example of the reorganization of society for which they … Abstract For the English Positivists the Paris Commune was the embodiment of their social republic: they saw in the Commune an example of the reorganization of society for which they so longed. Frederic Harrison and Edward Spencer Beesly agitated on behalf of the labour movements of nineteenth-century Britain and championed the Communards of Paris, and they did so from a particular intellectual milieu. This chapter shows that contemporary understandings of the Paris Commune had more complex roots than is often assumed. In other words, Marx was not the only one to earmark the Commune as a lesson in revolutionary politics. Beesly, Harrison, and their friends left behind an extensive body of analysis of the Commune, one very much conditioned by the English Positivists’ idiosyncratic brand of Francophilia and their commitment to the ideas of Auguste Comte, and one that was also moulded to suit a specific political agenda. The English Positivists, short-lived though their commitment to the Commune and Communards proved to be, ensured that the events of 1871 were made relevant for a British audience. The Positivists connected the plight of the Communards with that of the working classes in Britain, and they provided a coherent and convincing analysis of the Commune which proved to be the entry point for a number of later British socialists discovering the Commune for the first time.

The Ethical Dilemma in The Mill on the Floss: The Struggle between ‘Antigone’ and ‘Creon’

2025-04-24

T Li , Yuan Sihan

George Eliot views Antigone as a microcosm of social ethics, reflecting the clash between individuals and established rules. In The Mill on the Floss, Maggie, a mortal “Antigone,” struggles against … George Eliot views Antigone as a microcosm of social ethics, reflecting the clash between individuals and established rules. In The Mill on the Floss, Maggie, a mortal “Antigone,” struggles against the “established laws” embodied by her brother Tom, ultimately sacrificing herself for family interests. While Creon and Antigone represent a choice between human and divine law, Tom and Maggie symbolize tradition versus freedom. Through Maggie, Eliot highlights the triple ethical dilemmas faced by Victorian women. This paper, based on ethical criticism, reveals three key findings: First, Maggie faces a familial ethical dilemma between conforming to traditional female roles and pursuing self-realization. Second, she experiences a social ethical dilemma between maintaining family status and personal emotional choices, causing ethical anxiety. Third, the moral ethical dilemma between traditional morals and romantic pursuit forces Maggie to compromise, leading to her tragic end. Under Victorian moral standards, mortal “Antigones” clash with the “angel in the house” ideal, becoming victims of these triple ethical dilemmas.

Lauréline Fontaine La Constitution au XXI e siècle Histoire d’un fétiche social . Éditions Amsterdam, 2025, 272 pages, 20 €.

2025-04-24

Gabriel Arnault

Social and Discursive Capital as Illiberal Enabler: A Tale of Two Far‐Right Fictions in France

2025-04-23

Périne Schir , Marlène Laruelle

There is a growing body of scholarship examining the circulation of illiberal ideas. While the majority of approaches have centered on political culture, we instead explore how such ideas manifest … There is a growing body of scholarship examining the circulation of illiberal ideas. While the majority of approaches have centered on political culture, we instead explore how such ideas manifest themselves in domains not traditionally viewed as overtly political, such as novels and works of fiction. We take two examples from the French literary scene: The Camp of the Saints, written by Jean Raspail in 1973, and Submission, written by Michel Houellebecq in 2015. Both works incorporate great replacement theory into their narratives, but while Raspail’s novel generally belongs to fringe far-right literature, Houellebecq’s has achieved widespread media and commercial success, establishing the author as a leading figure in contemporary French literature. We hypothesise that this discrepancy can be explained through the differing levels of social and discursive capital employed by the two authors. We argue that practices of illiberal diffusion encompass the entirety of the author’s “posture,” which includes both rhetorical or intra-textual practices (that is, how ideas are formulated within the text to align with prevailing norms), as well as instrumental or extra-textual practices (that is, how authors secure favorable reception by controlling external factors, such as media coverage or institutional networks). This broader lens provides a more nuanced understanding of how political ideas circulate within society.

A INTERPRETAÇÃO DAS DIFERENÇAS CULTURAIS EM MONTESQUIEU E EM HUME

2025-04-22

Rafael Salamon

No Espírito das leis, Montesquieu defendeu a ideia de que o clima (uma causa física) exercia influência direta sobre o corpo e a mente dos seres humanos, sendo capaz de … No Espírito das leis, Montesquieu defendeu a ideia de que o clima (uma causa física) exercia influência direta sobre o corpo e a mente dos seres humanos, sendo capaz de afetar o comportamento coletivo de um povo. Os leitores religiosos de Montesquieu, especialmente o abade Jean-Baptiste Gaultier, acreditavam que essa teoria dos climas colocava em questão o livre-arbítrio. Em um ensaio intitulado Dos caráteres nacionais, David Hume rejeitou a teoria dos climas, atribuindo a variabilidade cultural ao princípio da simpatia. O presente artigo tem três objetivos: primeiramente, pretende-se analisar os argumentos utilizados por Hume para refutar a teoria dos climas; em seguida, explica-se o conceito humeano de simpatia (que não pode ser dissociado da epistemologia e da teoria das paixões do filósofo); por fim, procura-se situar a análise humeana das causas do comportamento humano (coletivo) em um contexto mais amplo: a discussão de Hume sobre a liberdade e a necessidade.