Social Sciences Political Science and International Relations

Russia and Soviet political economy

Description

This cluster of papers explores the transformation of the Russian economy and society, including the transition from communism to capitalism, the impact of global financial crises, environmental challenges, climate change policies, and the role of Russia in global economics and politics. It also delves into issues such as barter systems, oil industry dynamics, and the interplay between political and economic factors in shaping Russia's development.

Keywords

Russia; Economy; Transition; Capitalism; Environment; Climate Change; Barter; Globalization; Oil Industry; Political Economy

СодержаниеВступительное слово главного редактора…………………………………………………………….4Интервью Т.И.Заславская………………………………………………………………………………………...6 Новые тексты Радаев В.В.Что такое «экономическое действие»?……………………............…………………...18 Барсукова С.Ю.Теневой рынок труда и трудовое право в России (к вопросу принятия нового Трудового кодекса)………….. СодержаниеВступительное слово главного редактора…………………………………………………………….4Интервью Т.И.Заславская………………………………………………………………………………………...6 Новые тексты Радаев В.В.Что такое «экономическое действие»?……………………............…………………...18 Барсукова С.Ю.Теневой рынок труда и трудовое право в России (к вопросу принятия нового Трудового кодекса)…………..
Since 1990, more than 10 million people have been killed in the civil wars of failed states, and hundreds of millions more have been deprived of fundamental rights. The threat … Since 1990, more than 10 million people have been killed in the civil wars of failed states, and hundreds of millions more have been deprived of fundamental rights. The threat of terrorism has only heightened the problem posed by failed states. When States Fail is the first book to examine how and why states decay and what, if anything, can be done to prevent them from collapsing. It defines and categorizes strong, weak, failing, and collapsed nation-states according to political, social, and economic criteria. And it offers a comprehensive recipe for their reconstruction. The book comprises fourteen essays by leading scholars and practitioners who help structure this disparate field of research, provide useful empirical descriptions, and offer policy recommendations. Robert Rotberg's substantial opening chapter sets out a theory and taxonomy of state failure. It is followed by two sets of chapters, the first on the nature and correlates of failure, the second on methods of preventing state failure and reconstructing those states that do fail. Economic jump-starting, legal refurbishing, elections, the demobilizing of ex-combatants, and civil society are among the many topics discussed. All of the essays are previously unpublished. In addition to Rotberg, the contributors include David Carment, Christopher Clapham, Nat J. Colletta, Jeffrey Herbst, Nelson Kasfir, Michael T. Klare, Markus Kostner, Terrence Lyons, Jens Meierhenrich, Daniel N. Posner, Susan Rose-Ackerman, Donald R. Snodgrass, Nicolas van de Walle, Jennifer A. Widner, and Ingo Wiederhofer.
Preface vii CHAPTER 1: Introduction: The Engine of Free-Market Growth 1 PART I: THE CAPITALIST GROWTH MECHANISM CHAPTER 2: The Somewhat Attributes of Capitalist Growth: Oligopolistic Competition and Routinization of … Preface vii CHAPTER 1: Introduction: The Engine of Free-Market Growth 1 PART I: THE CAPITALIST GROWTH MECHANISM CHAPTER 2: The Somewhat Attributes of Capitalist Growth: Oligopolistic Competition and Routinization of Innovation 19 CHAPTER 3: Oligopolistic Rivalry and Routinization to Reduce Uncertainty 30 CHAPTER 4: Oligopolistic Rivalry and Routine Innovation Spending: Theory of the Engine of Unprecedented Capitalist Growth 43 CHAPTER 5: Independent Innovation in History: Productive Entrepreneurship and the Rule of Law 55 CHAPTER 6: Voluntary Dissemination of Proprietary Technology: Private Profit, Social Gain 73 CHAPTER 7: Oligopolistic Rivalry and Markets for Technology Trading 93 CHAPTER 8: Tradeoff: Innovation Incentives versus Benefits to Others (Distributive Externalities) 120 PART II: INTEGRATION OF INNOVATION INTO THE MAINSTREAM OF MICROTHEORY CHAPTER 9: Oligopolistic Competition, Pricing, and Recoupment of Innovation Outlays 151 CHAPTER 10: Microeconomic Theory of Industrial Organization in the Innovation-Machine Economy 161 CHAPTER 11: Recouping Innovation Outlays and Pricing Its Products: Continued 183 CHAPTER 12: Models of Optimal Timing of Innovation 199 CHAPTER 13: Licensing for Profit: Efficiency Implications 215 PART III: ON THE MACRODYNAMICS OF CAPITALISM CHAPTER 14: Capitalism's Unique Innovation Machine: Historical Evidence 245 CHAPTER 15: Macroeconomic Models and Relationships That May Limit Growth 262 CHAPTER 16: Feedback: Innovation as a Self-Nourishing Process 284 Bibliography 299 Index 307
Now with a new and up-to-date Introduction by the author, the bestselling account of the effect of American global policies, hailed as brilliant and iconoclastic (Los Angeles Times) The term … Now with a new and up-to-date Introduction by the author, the bestselling account of the effect of American global policies, hailed as brilliant and iconoclastic (Los Angeles Times) The term blowback, invented by the CIA, refers to the unintended results of American actions abroad. In this incisive and controversial book, Chalmers Johnson lays out in vivid detail the dangers faced by our overextended empire, which insists on projecting its military power to every corner of the earth and using American capital and markets to force global economic integration on its own terms. From a case of rape by U.S. servicemen in Okinawa to our role in Asia's financial crisis, from our early support for Saddam Hussein to our conduct in the Balkans, Johnson reveals the ways in which our misguided policies are planting the seeds of future disaster.In a new edition that addresses recent international events from September 11 to the war in Iraq, this now classic book remains as prescient and powerful as ever.
Robert Kagan asserts that on international issues, are from Mars and Europeans are from Venus (p. 3). Picking up on classical gender associations recirculated by John Gray's advice books, this … Robert Kagan asserts that on international issues, are from Mars and Europeans are from Venus (p. 3). Picking up on classical gender associations recirculated by John Gray's advice books, this catchphrase projects onto transatlantic relations sexy notions about supposed differences between men and women. analogy mobilizes conventional assumptions about supposed biological determinants of sexual difference in support of what Kagan sees as another essential truth: The United and Europe are fundamentally different today (p. 6). Although Kagan's analysis is in places sophisticated, it relies on narrow, even simplistic, concepts of power, strength, and weakness. While Kagan finds power the all important question (p. 3), he considers only military power efficacious. In his supposedly realistic world, neither economic and political pressures, nor cultural influence and ideology (save for ideas about use of military force) have much impact. Kagan discusses rise of Nazis without reference Great Depression, which elevated what had remained minor party during German prosperity. Nor does he mention that until 1939, leaders in Western democracies appreciated internal order secured by fascism in Italy and Germany while they worried that another war would spawn communist revolutions. Ignoring such textbook history, Kagan focuses on what he calls psychologies of power and weakness: in inter-war period, a frightened France and the traumatized British (p. 12) tried to make virtue out of weakness (p. 13). This narrow view of power and motivation fits book's rhetorical structure: simplifying, polarized depiction of post-Cold War era. In this setup, robust Americans act on realism, while less manly Europeans display fundamental and enduring weakness (p. 28), military impotence (p. 46), and an anemic foreign policy (p. 65). Rejecting power, Europeans opt instead for exuberant idealism (p. 60) and and more shrill..,. attacks on United States (p. 100). Kagan stresses Europe's relative weakness, reiterating point on almost every page. By depicting Europe's post-1989 decision not match American spending on advanced weapons as failure of will that led inadequacies (p. 24), he denigrates non-military power while justifying Washington's actions. Given weak Europe ... United has no choice but act unilaterally (p. 99). Kagan argues that Europeans, sheltered by Washington from brutal laws of power politics(p. 58), are settling into their postmodern paradise and proselytizing for their of international law and international institutions (p. 76). While such doctrines appear author and many in Washington as indulgent idealism, worldly Cold Warriors such as Dean Acheson they appeared as useful adjuncts American hegemony. Despite sneer at Europe and at norms of peace and cooperation still held by most Americans, Kagan's ultimate target lies outside laws of
List of cartoons List of figures and tables Acknowledgements Introduction 1. Blat: the unknown phenomenon 2. Understanding blat 3. The Soviet order: a view from within 4. The use of … List of cartoons List of figures and tables Acknowledgements Introduction 1. Blat: the unknown phenomenon 2. Understanding blat 3. The Soviet order: a view from within 4. The use of personal networks 5.Blat as a form of exchange: between gift and commodity 6. Networking in the post-Soviet period Appendix Bibliography Index.
Despite widespread skepticism about government ownership in transitional economies, China's rapid industrial growth has been led by public enterprises. Kornai's theory of soft budbet constraints, born of the failure of … Despite widespread skepticism about government ownership in transitional economies, China's rapid industrial growth has been led by public enterprises. Kornai's theory of soft budbet constraints, born of the failure of earlier Hungarian reforms, fosters such skepticism-but it assumes as fixed organizational characteristics that in fact vary widely across government jurisdictions. Local governments with smaller industrial bases have clearer financial incentives and constraints, fewer nonfinancial interests in enterprises, and a greater capacity to monitor them. In China's vast public sector, the fastest growth in output and productivity has occurred where government ownership rights are clearest and most easily enforced, which enables officials to manage public industry as a diversified market-oriented firm.
The quest for freedom from hunger and repression has triggered in recent years a dramatic, worldwide reform of political and economic systems. Never have so many people enjoyed, or at … The quest for freedom from hunger and repression has triggered in recent years a dramatic, worldwide reform of political and economic systems. Never have so many people enjoyed, or at least experimented with democratic institutions. However, many strategies for economic development in Eastern Europe and Latin America have failed with the result that entire economic systems on both continents are being transformed. This major book analyzes recent transitions to democracy and market-oriented economic reforms in Eastern Europe and Latin America. Drawing in a quite distinctive way on models derived from political philosophy, economics, and game theory, Professor Przeworski also considers specific data on individual countries. Among the questions raised by the book are: What should we expect from these experiments in democracy and market economy? What new economic systems will emerge? Will these transitions result in new democracies or old dictatorships?
Book description: During the Soviet era, blat-the use of personal networks for obtaining goods and services in short supply and for circumventing formal procedures-was necessary to compensate for the inefficiencies … Book description: During the Soviet era, blat-the use of personal networks for obtaining goods and services in short supply and for circumventing formal procedures-was necessary to compensate for the inefficiencies of socialism. The collapse of the Soviet Union produced a new generation of informal practices. In How Russia Really Works, Alena V. Ledeneva explores practices in politics, business, media, and the legal sphere in Russia in the 1990s-from the hiring of firms to create negative publicity about one's competitors, to inventing novel schemes of tax evasion and engaging in “alternative” techniques of contract and law enforcement. She discovers ingenuity, wit, and vigor in these activities and argues that they simultaneously support and subvert formal institutions. They enable corporations, the media, politicians, and businessmen to operate in the post-Soviet labyrinth of legal and practical constraints but consistently undermine the spirit, if not the letter, of the law. The “know-how” Ledeneva describes in this book continues to operate today and is crucial to understanding contemporary Russia.
As revolution swept over Russia and empires collapsed in the final days of World War I, Azerbaijan and neighbouring Georgia and Armenia proclaimed their independence in May 1918. During the … As revolution swept over Russia and empires collapsed in the final days of World War I, Azerbaijan and neighbouring Georgia and Armenia proclaimed their independence in May 1918. During the ensuing two years of civil war, military endgames, and treaty negotiations, the diplomatic representatives of Azerbaijan struggled to gain international recognition and favourable resolution of territorial disputes. This brief but eventful episode came to an end when the Red Army entered Baku in late April 1920. Drawing on contemporary records, memoirs, and scholarship in many languages, the accomplished historian Jamil Hasanli has produced a comprehensive and meticulously documented account of this little-known period
This final work by a world-renowned economist will take its place among the classics of political economy. . Why do some economies do better than others? How does society encourage … This final work by a world-renowned economist will take its place among the classics of political economy. . Why do some economies do better than others? How does society encourage the kind of market economy that generates continually increasing incomes? How do particular styles of government affect economic performance? World-renowned economist Mancur Olson tackles these questions and others in what will surely be regarded as his magnum opus. Olson contends that governments can play an essential role in the development of markets. Reliable enforcement of private contracts and protection of individual rights to property depend on governments strong enough to guarantee these rights yet constrained enough not to undermine them. His exploration of market-augmenting governments will stand as a cutting-edge work on economic growth and provide a useful framework in which to consider the Asian financial crisis and its aftermath. As Susan Lee noted in Forbes, his pioneering insights might have won a Nobel Prize for Olson had he lived a bit longer.
Journal Article The Stages of Economic Growth. A Non-Communist Manifesto Get access The Stages of Economic Growth. A non-communist manifesto. By W. W. Rostow. (London: Cambridge University Press, 1960. Pp. … Journal Article The Stages of Economic Growth. A Non-Communist Manifesto Get access The Stages of Economic Growth. A non-communist manifesto. By W. W. Rostow. (London: Cambridge University Press, 1960. Pp. xi + 179. 21s.) H. J. Habakkuk H. J. Habakkuk All Souls College, Oxford Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The Economic Journal, Volume 71, Issue 283, 1 September 1961, Pages 601–604, https://doi.org/10.2307/2228926 Published: 01 September 1961
Recombinant property is a form of organizational hedging in which actors respond to uncertainty by deversifying assets, redefining and recombining resources. It is an attempt to hold resources that can … Recombinant property is a form of organizational hedging in which actors respond to uncertainty by deversifying assets, redefining and recombining resources. It is an attempt to hold resources that can be justified by more than one legitimating principle. Property tansformation in postsocialist Hungary involves the decentralized reorganization of assets and the centralized management of liabilities. Together they blur the boundaries of public and private, the boundaries of enterprises, and the boundedness of justificatory principles. Enterprise-level field research, data on the ownership structure of Hungary's 220 largest enterprises and banks, and an examination of the government's recent debt consolidation programs suggest the emergence of a distinctively East European capitalism that will differ as much from West European capitalism as do contemporary East Asian variants.
Abstract Transition in Central and Eastern Europe has led to a U‐shaped response of output, that is, a sharp decline in output followed by recovery. Six years after the beginning … Abstract Transition in Central and Eastern Europe has led to a U‐shaped response of output, that is, a sharp decline in output followed by recovery. Six years after the beginning of transition, most of the countries of Central Europe now seem firmly on the upside. Most of the countries of Eastern Europe are still close to the bottom of the U; an optimistic view is that they are now negotiating the turn. This U‐shaped response of output, its causes and its implications, is the subject of this book. That transition came with an often‐large initial decrease in output should be seen as a puzzle. After all, the previous economic system was characterized by myriad distortions. One might have expected that removing most of them would lead to a large increase, not decrease in output. This is not what happened. The purpose of this book is to understand why, and to draw general lessons.
This newly revised and updated second edition is the classic economic and political account of the origins of the European Community. On one level it is an original analysis of … This newly revised and updated second edition is the classic economic and political account of the origins of the European Community. On one level it is an original analysis of the forces which brought the EC together, on another it is an explanation based on historical analysis of the future relationship between nation-state and the European Union. Combining political with economic analysis, and based on extensive primary research in several countries, this book offers a challenging interpretation of the history of the western European state and European integration.
The Rise & Fall of the Great Powers by Paul Kennedy (Unwin Hyman, London, 1988), £18.95. The Rise & Fall of the Great Powers by Paul Kennedy (Unwin Hyman, London, 1988), £18.95.
The Conditions of Economic Progress Get access The Conditions of Economic Progress. By Colin Clark. 1940. (London : Macmillan. xii + 504 pp. 25s.) Arnold Plant Arnold Plant Search for … The Conditions of Economic Progress Get access The Conditions of Economic Progress. By Colin Clark. 1940. (London : Macmillan. xii + 504 pp. 25s.) Arnold Plant Arnold Plant Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs Review Supplement, Volume 19, Issue 1, June 1940, Pages 36–37, https://doi.org/10.2307/3026172 Published: 01 June 1940
In Russia and elsewhere, proponents of rapid, mass privatization of state-owned enterprises (ourselves among them) hoped that the profit incentives unleashed by privatization would revive faltering, centrally planned economies. Instead, … In Russia and elsewhere, proponents of rapid, mass privatization of state-owned enterprises (ourselves among them) hoped that the profit incentives unleashed by privatization would revive faltering, centrally planned economies. Instead, the Russian economy has shrunk steadily since 1991 and suffered a major collapse in 1998, which exposed deep structural flaws in the privatization effort. We offer here some partial explanations. First, rapid mass privatization of medium and large firms is likely to lead to massive self-dealing by managers and controlling shareholders unless (implausibly in the initial transition from central planning to markets) a country has a good infrastructure for controlling self-dealing. Russia accelerated the self-dealing process by selling control of many of its largest enterprises cheaply to crooks, who got the funds to buy the enterprises by skimming from the government, and transferred their skimming talents to the enterprises they acquired. Second, profit incentives to restructure privatized businesses and create new ones can be swamped by the burden on business imposed by a combination of (among other things) a punitive tax system, official corruption, organized crime, and an unfriendly bureaucracy. Third, while self-dealing will still occur (though perhaps to a lesser extent) if state enterprises aren’t privatized, since self-dealing accompanies privatization, it politically discredits privatization as a reform strategy and can undercut longer-term reform efforts. A principal lesson is that developing the infrastructure to control self-dealing is central to successful privatization of large firms -as important, and in the early stages, perhaps more important than privatization itself. Please address comments to: Professor Bernard Black Stanford Law School Stanford CA 94305 [email protected] * We thank Kevin Covert, Richard Craswell, David Ellerman, Itzhak Goldberg, Dale Gray, Hugh Patton, Michael Klausner, Peter Murrell, John Nellis, Katarina Pistor, Andrei Shleifer, Alexander Yushkevich, and [to come], and participants in workshops at the American Law and Economics Association, an OECD Conference on Corporate Governance in Russia, an IMF Workshop on Comparative Corporate Governance in Developing and Transition Economies, Stanford Law School, and University of California Berkeley, Haas School of Business and [to come] for helpful discussions and comments. Special thanks to James Fenkner of Troika Dialog for the data on Russian market capitalization and comparable Western values for Russian companies reported in Part III of this article.
Սույն հոդվածում ներկայացվում են 1986–1991 թթ. Արցախում տեղի ունեցած քաղաքական գործընթացները՝ հատկապես կարևորվել են Արցախյան շարժման նոր փուլի համատեքստում ստեղծված ընդհատակյա և ոչ ընդհատակյա կազմակերպությունների դերն ու նշանակությունը: Իրադարձությունների վերլուծությունը … Սույն հոդվածում ներկայացվում են 1986–1991 թթ. Արցախում տեղի ունեցած քաղաքական գործընթացները՝ հատկապես կարևորվել են Արցախյան շարժման նոր փուլի համատեքստում ստեղծված ընդհատակյա և ոչ ընդհատակյա կազմակերպությունների դերն ու նշանակությունը: Իրադարձությունների վերլուծությունը ցույց տվեց, որ շարժման նոր փուլը զարթոնք ապրեց ազգային նկարագիր ունեցող երիտասարդության և մտավորականության ջանքերի շնորհիվ: Հետագայում շարժման մեջ ձևավորվեց երկու հակառակ քաղաքական ուղղություն, որոնց պայքարը իր բացասական ազդեցությունը թողեց ազատագրական պայքարի որակի վրա: Քաղաքական պայքարի փոփոխության արդյունքում փորձ կատարվեց համախմբել քաղաքական ուժերին, սակայն Լեռնային Ղարաբաղի (Արցախի) Հանրապետության (ԼՂՀ) հռչակումից հետո տեղի ունեցած քաղաքական գործընթացները ապացուցեցին հակառակը: Ներքաղաքական խմորումները ավելի ակնհայտ դարձան 1992 թ. հունվարի 6–7-ը ԼՂՀ առաջին գումարման Գերագույն խորհրդի (ԳԽ) նախագահի ընտրությունների ժամանակ, երբ բացահայտ երևաց երկու հակոտնյա քաղաքական ուժերի պայքարը: Իշխանության եկած ուժերին հաջողվեց պահպանել ներքաղաքական կայունությունը, դրսևորել քաղաքական կամք, որի արդյունքում երկիրը ժամանակավորապես դուրս եկավ ստեղծված իրավիճակից: The article presents the political events in Artsakh in 1986-1991. Special attention is paid to the role and significance of the underground and nonunderground organizations created in the context of the new stage of the Artsakh movement. Throughout the 70 years of the existence of the USSR, violence and persecution were practiced against the Armenian population of Artsakh. Despite this, the struggle for joining Mother Armenia never ceased. Individual episodes of this persistent struggle, which for decades took the form of statements, petitions, and unrest in Soviet Armenia and the NKAO, were silenced or suppressed by the high-ranking Soviet leadership. The relatively favorable political conditions created in the USSR after 1985 provided the Armenian population of Artsakh with the opportunity to once again defend their violated rights and demand the unification of the Nagorno- Karabakh Autonomous Oblast with the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic. Initially, the leadership of the movement tried at every opportunity to present the struggle of the Artsakh people in Moscow in the light of the ideas of reconstruction and glasnost in order to give it a legal appearance. However, ignoring the right of the Armenian population of Artsakh to self-determination and the legal and political justification of its demands, Azerbaijan, under the aegis of Moscow, once again preferred uncivilised methods of resolving the issue, or, more precisely, its extermination by organizing ethnic cleansing. The movement was born in the whirlwind of national awakening. At first it was led by intellectuals with a national mindset and young people imbued with a national ideology. Later, it was joined by active members of the Communist Party, as well as heads of institutions and enterprises who attempted to lead the movement. Later on, two opposing political currents were formed in the movement, whose activities had a negative impact on the liberation struggle. As a result of the change in the format of the struggle, an attempt was made to unite political forces. The political processes after the proclamation of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (Artsakh) proved otherwise. The internal political turmoil became more obvious during the elections of the Chairman of the NKR Supreme Council of the first convocation on 6-7 January 1992, when the conflict between the opposing forces was quite aggressive. The forces that came to power managed to preserve internal political stability, showed political will, as a result of which the country temporarily got out of the situation. Thus, by overcoming obstacles, bypassing political and military conflicts, the forces involved in the liberation struggle, thanks to their determination, were able to move in accordance with the requirements of the time, while bearing the burden of organizing the liberation struggle.
With the continuation of the Russia-Ukraine war and the seizure of power in Afghanistan by the radical Taliban movement, the issue of ensuring countries’ security has taken a new dimension. … With the continuation of the Russia-Ukraine war and the seizure of power in Afghanistan by the radical Taliban movement, the issue of ensuring countries’ security has taken a new dimension. These occurrences directly influence the global situation. This research aims to examine the primary security issues in Central Asia and identify regional threats within the evolving geopolitical context. To address the research objectives, various methods of cognition were employed, including historical, structural and functional, institutional, comparative, forecasting, political and legal analysis, classification, analogy, abstraction, analysis, and generalisation. The main results of this study include characterising the specifics of Central Asia and external threats to regional security, analysing the policies of the governments in the region to combat religious extremism and international terrorism, determining the prospects for establishing a collective defence organisation to develop mechanisms for countering these threats, and outlining the main activities of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and the Collective Security Treaty Organisation in maintaining regional stability and addressing the distribution of water and energy resources. The study also considered such security threats as cybercrime, human trafficking, separatism, interethnic conflicts, illegal migration, arms smuggling, and drug trafficking. This research's findings and materials have theoretical and practical applications. They may be helpful for researchers whose interests include the problems of national and regional security, political processes in post-Soviet Central Asia, and ethno-confessional conflicts in this area.
The article analyzes the current challenges of land resource management in Ukraine under conditions of soil degradation, full-scale war, and socio-economic instability. It emphasizes that soil degradation has become a … The article analyzes the current challenges of land resource management in Ukraine under conditions of soil degradation, full-scale war, and socio-economic instability. It emphasizes that soil degradation has become a systemic barrier to the sustainable development of rural areas and the restoration of the agri-industrial potential. Land is considered not only a foundation of agricultural production but also a critical asset for ensuring food security, economic stability, and ecological balance in the face of war-related threats. Methodologically, the study combines content analysis of scientific publications, regulatory documents, and analytical reports with comparative assessment of key risks in the field of land use. The paper systematizes the main types of soil degradation – erosion, salinization, compaction, and contamination – explores their causes, including anthropogenic pressure, climate change, and military operations, and outlines their multidimensional consequences: declining fertility, crop losses, increasing regional disparities, rural depopulation, investment withdrawal, and escalating ecological risks. The study identifies four major challenges that hinder effective land governance: spatial asymmetry of agricultural development, insufficient investment in land restoration, ineffective state control, and weak integration of modern agrotechnologies. It is shown that under martial law, the state has largely lost its regulatory mechanisms over land use, which has led to a rise in violations and initiated legal reforms. The paper substantiates that overcoming land degradation and ensuring the sustainability of the land fund require an integrated policy focused on ecological recovery, digitalization, support for agricultural entrepreneurship, and balanced spatial development. The conclusion highlights the need for cross-sectoral cooperation among public institutions, the scientific community, agribusiness, and international donors to establish a new model of land resource management in wartime and post-war reconstruction.
Reducing poverty and income inequality is one of the most important tasks of each country's social policy. Consequently, the stability and development of the economic system are conditioned by overcoming … Reducing poverty and income inequality is one of the most important tasks of each country's social policy. Consequently, the stability and development of the economic system are conditioned by overcoming poverty and eliminating income inequality. High levels of poverty negatively affect social relations. This particularly affects the health of the population, the standard of living, the quality of life, the level of education, upbringing and the general system of values. Emphasizing in the article the level of poverty of the population, the quality of its life, as well as the standard of living, the article emphasized the importance of studying the real picture of inequality in income distribution in Armenia, identifying its main causes. The article assessed the impact of certain factors on poverty and income inequality, as well as analyzed key indicators characterizing income inequality and poverty levels, which allowed us to draw certain conclusions.
Abstract Russia is the largest and most resource-rich country in the world, Russia’s GDP remains outside the top ten global economies. While multiple factors influence Russia’s development, the most significant … Abstract Russia is the largest and most resource-rich country in the world, Russia’s GDP remains outside the top ten global economies. While multiple factors influence Russia’s development, the most significant is its emphasis on security. Following the annexation of Crimea in March 2014, Russia faced Western sanctions, which severely impacted its economic development. The outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in February 2022 further exposed Russia to harsh economic sanctions from the U.S. and Europe, leading to major economic disruptions. Although war-related stimulus and rising energy prices have driven relatively high economic growth over the past two years, severe inflation and structural weaknesses have significantly undermined the quality of this growth. Moreover, Russia is at a disadvantage in the ongoing global technological revolution, which is bound to hinder its future modernization efforts. Russia’s experience demonstrates the crucial need to balance security and economic development.
Abstract This article contends that Vladimir Putin’s regime is contextualized by the foundational paradigm established by Ivan IV . Faced with the challenges of an interregnum and competition with the … Abstract This article contends that Vladimir Putin’s regime is contextualized by the foundational paradigm established by Ivan IV . Faced with the challenges of an interregnum and competition with the West, Ivan IV constructed an imperial national identity, identifying authoritarian rule as the only solution for both imperatives. This forced permanent limitations on Russian attempts to modernize, explicitly negating any adaptation threatening the authoritarian structure. Determined to be recognized by the West purely on its own terms, Russia would replicate the recurring pattern of attempting to achieve that validation by force. Putin’s policy of partial modernization and imperial expansion represents the latest iteration of the enduring cycle.
Chad P. Bown | Journal of International Economic Law
Abstract The fear that a foreign government will impose an export restriction that imperils another country’s economic and national security has driven part of the recent turn to industrial policy … Abstract The fear that a foreign government will impose an export restriction that imperils another country’s economic and national security has driven part of the recent turn to industrial policy and the increased use of tariffs. Countries now worry about disruption not only to their access to energy but also to critical minerals, semiconductors, medical supplies, and other essential goods. Modern use of industrial and trade policy is thus often an attempt to move supply chains in the short term and to sustain them in those new places over the long term, in order to reduce national vulnerability to disruptions caused by export restrictions. However, achieving even modest forms of international cooperation on trade and industrial policy between countries seeking to improve their collective economic security will also require that these same countries take on new commitments to discipline their own use of export restrictions toward each other.
The article examines current problems of ensuring food security in the southern regions of Kyrgyzstan, including Osh, Jalal-Abad and Batken regions. Particular attention is paid to organizational and economic mechanisms … The article examines current problems of ensuring food security in the southern regions of Kyrgyzstan, including Osh, Jalal-Abad and Batken regions. Particular attention is paid to organizational and economic mechanisms that can improve the efficiency of agricultural production, logistics and distribution of food products. Based on the analysis of historical data, current factors and statistical indicators, directions for improving the mechanisms for regulating food security are proposed. Institutional barriers, the role of the state, international organizations and local communities in ensuring sustainable access of the population to basic foodstuffs are also discussed. To improve the situation, it is recommended to develop agricultural cooperatives, introduce digital platforms for accounting and production planning, create logistics centers for storage and sales, subsidize agricultural innovations and agricultural risk insurance, as well as develop agricultural education.
The political and economic transformation of the post-Soviet space represents one of the most extensive and complex developments in the contemporary system of international relations. Following the dissolution of the … The political and economic transformation of the post-Soviet space represents one of the most extensive and complex developments in the contemporary system of international relations. Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, newly independent states entered a turbulent period of political, social, and economic transition, the consequences of which continue to shape their domestic and foreign policies. This paper aims to analyze the transformation processes in post-Soviet countries, focusing on the political-economic dynamics that define the region’s stability and development prospects. Special attention is given to the models of interaction between the state and the market, the processes of liberalization and democratization, and the internal and external challenges these processes encounter. The paper also explores the geopolitical competition influencing the transformation trajectories of post-Soviet states—particularly in the context of the involvement of the Russian Federation, the European Union, China, and the United States. As a case study, Georgia (among other post-Soviet countries) is examined as a country that has implemented significant reforms but continues to face both external pressures and internal institutional challenges. Methodologically, the research is based on comparative analysis and case study approaches, allowing for the identification of both general trends and country-specific characteristics. The analysis including political documents, economic indicators, and expert assessments. In conclusion, the study outlines the key challenges and opportunities inherent in the political and economic transformation of the post-Soviet space, especially in the context of current global crises. These developments call for a reassessment of future pathways for regional stability and sustainable development.
Yuliia Hlivinska | Вісник Київського національного лінгвістичного університету Серія Історія економіка філософія
The purpose of the study is to identify the historical background of Keynesian economic theory and to determine its impact on modern concepts of state regulation of the economy implemented … The purpose of the study is to identify the historical background of Keynesian economic theory and to determine its impact on modern concepts of state regulation of the economy implemented in the modern globalized world. Methodology. The study combines several methods of analysis to gain a deeper understanding of the evolution of Keynesian economic theory and its impact on modern economic practice, such as: the historical method, taking into account the main stages of its formation and changes, the comparative method, the case method – studying specific economic crises, such as the Great Depression, the 2008 financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic, to analyse the application of Keynesian principles in real life and assess their effectiveness in combating economic problems, and the modelling method to use economic models. Scientific novelty. The article analyzes the Keynesian economic theory in historical and modern contexts, examines the views of critics of Keynesian theory, assesses its adaptation to new economic conditions and practical application in economic management in the context of globalization and crises. Research results. It is proved that in today’s environment, when there are global economic crises, economic inequality and military conflicts, the study of Keynesian approaches, in particular fiscal and monetary incentives, which become the basis for economic policies of countries to overcome the consequences of global crises, becomes relevant. It is emphasized that Keynesianism has serious advantages in conditions of economic instability and in situations where markets cannot effectively rebalance on their own. It is determined that the provisions of Keynesianism regarding active government intervention in the economy, the use of fiscal and monetary policy to stabilize demand, fight unemployment and inflation are used by governments and central banks around the world.
Latin America, or Ibero-America, is an area of turbulent political events. In addi-tion, this region is one of the main strongholds of the Christian faith in our days. This is … Latin America, or Ibero-America, is an area of turbulent political events. In addi-tion, this region is one of the main strongholds of the Christian faith in our days. This is a region where changes of political elites and regimes up until the very end of the 20th century were an almost daily occurrence. Revolutions and coups d'état became an integral part of Latin American reality in the last century. Having gone through a rather thorny path, certain countries of the region in question chose the democratic way of development. The hero of this article is Augusto Pinochet, one of the most extraordinary personalities of the 20th cen-tury. Having come to power through a military coup, he began a fierce fight against dissent. Having embarked on the path of reformism, Augusto Pinochet achieved great results in terms of the economic development of Chile. It should be noted that even the harshest critics of Pinochet have no reason to deny his merits in creating the Chilean "economic miracle": he overcame the state budget deficit and eliminated the black market. This article attempts to show how one of the Latin American countries managed to become a developed agrarian-industrial state in the second half of the 20th century. Լատինական Ամերիկան կամ Իբերո-Ամերիկան քաղաքական բուռն իրադարձությունների տարածաշրջան է: Բացի այդ, այն այսօր քրիստոնեական հավատքի գլխավոր հենակետերից մեկն է աշխարհում։ Սա մի տարածաշրջան է, որտեղ քաղաքական էլիտաների և վարչակարգերի փոփոխությունները գրեթե ամենօրյա երևույթ էին մինչև XX դարի վերջը։ Հեղափոխությունները և պետական հեղաշրջումները անցյալ դարում դարձել էին լատինաամերիկյան իրականության անբաժանելի մասը։ Անցնելով բա-վականին բարդ ճանապարհ՝ դիտարկվող տարածաշրջանի որոշ երկրներ ընտրել են զարգացման ժողովրդավարական ուղին։ Ավգուստո Պինոչետը՝ XX դարի ամենաարտա-սովոր անհատականություններից մեկը, իշխանության գալով, ռազմական հեղաշրջման միջոցով սկսեց կատաղի պայքար մղել այլախոհության դեմ։ Բարեփոխումների ուղին բռնելով՝ նա մեծ արդյունքների հասավ Չիլիի տնտեսական զարգացման առումով։ Առաջին հերթին նա ձեռնամուխ եղավ տնտեսական բարեփոխումներին. գների ազատականացում, բիզնեսով զբաղվելու սահմանափակումների վերացում, սեփականաշնորհում և կուտակային կենսաթոշակային համակարգի ներդրում: Նոր պայմաններում երկիր մուտք գործեցին օտարերկրյա ներդրումներ, վերսկսվեց համագործակցությունը միջազգային ֆինանսական կառույցների հետ։ Այս ամենի շնորհիվ երկրի տնտեսությունը սկսեց արագ զարգանալ։ Հարկ է նշել, որ Ավգուստո Պինոչետի նույնիսկ ամենակոշտ քննադատները պատճառ չունեն ժխտելու նրա արժանիքները Չիլիի «տնտեսական հրաշքը» ստեղծելու գործում. նա հաղթահարեց պետական բյուջեի դեֆիցիտը և վերացրեց սև շուկան, որը ծաղկում էր Սալվադոր Ալյենդեի օրոք: Սույն հոդվածում փորձ է արվում ցույց տալ, թե ինչպես է Լատինական Ամերիկայի երկրներից մեկին հաջողվել XX դարի երկրորդ կեսին դառնալ զարգացած ագրարային-արդյունաբերական պետություն։ Латинская Америка, или Ибероамерика, является ареалом бурных политических событий. Помимо этого, данный регион представляет собой один из главных оплотов христианской веры в наши дни. Это регион, где смена политических элит и режимов вплоть до самого конца XX столетия являлась делом чуть ли не каждодневным. Революции, государственные перевороты стали неотъемлемой частью латиноамериканской реальности в прошлом веке. Пройдя довольно-таки тернистый путь, определенные страны рассматриваемого региона выбрали демократический путь развития. Аугусто Пиночет – одна из самых неординарных личностей XX века. Придя к власти путем военного переворота, он начал яростную борьбу с инакомыслием. Встав на путь реформаторства, Аугусто Пиночет добился больших результатов в плане экономического развития Чили. В первую очередь он взялся за экономическую реформу: либерализация цен, снятие ограничений на ведение бизнеса, приватизация, введение пенсионной системы накопительного типа. В новых условиях в страну хлынули иностранные инвестиции, возобновилось сотрудничество с международными финансовыми институтами. В результате экономика страны начала стремительно расти. Следует отметить, что даже самые резкие критики Аугусто Пиночета не имеют оснований отрицать его заслуг в сотворении чилийского «экономического чуда»: диктатор преодолел дефицит государственного бюджета и ликвидировал черный рынок, процветавший во времена правления Сальвадора Альенде. В статье предпринята попытка показать, как одной из стран Латинской Америки удалось стать развитым аграрно-индустриальным государством во второй половине XX века.
| Manchester University Press eBooks
The aim of the article is to review the dynamics and key trends in the development of Russian-Chinese foreign trade over the past few years. China is one of the … The aim of the article is to review the dynamics and key trends in the development of Russian-Chinese foreign trade over the past few years. China is one of the world’s largest producers and exporters, as well as an important political and economic partner of Russia. The expansion of Russian-Chinese trade cooperation — driven by the current geopolitical situation and the need for flexible solutions to financial and logistical challenges — has led to intensified interaction between Russia and both China’s border regions (where Russia has traditionally been a key trade partner), the economically developed coastal provinces, and even the less developed northwestern areas. Methods . The author analyzes the nature of bilateral trade cooperation, its potential growth areas, and its significance for both countries. It is convincingly argued that the impressive growth in trade turnover does not always indicate a qualitative shift in the trade structure. In conclusion , the article notes that Russia’s increasing focus on cooperation with Chinese partners places it in a position of dependence on China, for which Russia is an important — but not a top-priority — foreign trade partner.