Social Sciences Political Science and International Relations

Political and Economic history of UK and US

Description

This cluster of papers explores the concept of depoliticisation in the context of British politics and society, focusing on issues such as deindustrialization, rhetoric, the Conservative Party, economic policy, Thatcherism, social democracy, and the impact of industrial change. It delves into the processes and consequences of depoliticisation, examining its historical significance and theoretical implications within the British political landscape.

Keywords

Depoliticisation; British Politics; Deindustrialization; Rhetoric; Conservative Party; Economic Policy; Thatcherism; Social Democracy; Industrial Change; Monetary Policy

Abstract Policy is not made in the electoral arena or in the gladiatorial confrontations of Parliament, but in the netherworld of committees, civil servants, professions, and interest groups. This collection … Abstract Policy is not made in the electoral arena or in the gladiatorial confrontations of Parliament, but in the netherworld of committees, civil servants, professions, and interest groups. This collection explores the private world of public policy. It provides a survey of the literature on the concept of policy networks and demonstrates its importance for understanding specific policy areas. The case studies cover policy-making in agriculture, civil nuclear power, youth employment, smoking, heart disease, sea defences, information technology, and exchange rate policy. Finally the book attempts an overall assessment of the utility of the concept, focusing on such questions as why networks change, which interests dominate and benefit from networks, and the consequences of the present system for representative democracy.
Between 1974 and 1990 more than thirty countries in southern Europe, Latin America, East Asia, and Eastern Europe shifted from authoritarian to democratic systems of government. This global democratic revolution … Between 1974 and 1990 more than thirty countries in southern Europe, Latin America, East Asia, and Eastern Europe shifted from authoritarian to democratic systems of government. This global democratic revolution is probably the most important political trend in the late twentieth century. In The Third Wave, Samuel P. Huntington analyzes the causes and nature of these democratic transitions, evaluates the prospects for stability of the new democracies, and explores the possibility of more countries becoming democratic. The recent transitions, he argues, are the third major wave of democratization in the modem world. Each of the two previous waves was followed by a reverse wave in which some countries shifted back to authoritarian government. Using concrete examples, empirical evidence, and insightful analysis, Huntington provides neither a theory nor a history of the third wave, but an explanation of why and how it occurred.Factors responsible for the democratic trend include the legitimacy dilemmas of authoritarian regimes; economic and social development; the changed role of the Catholic Church; the impact of the United States, the European Community, and the Soviet Union; and the snowballing phenomenon: change in one country stimulating change in others. Five key elite groups within and outside the nondemocratic regime played roles in shaping the various ways democratization occurred. Compromise was key to all democratizations, and elections and nonviolent tactics also were central. New democracies must deal with the torturer problem and the praetorian problem and attempt to develop democratic values and processes. Disillusionment with democracy, Huntington argues, is necessary to consolidating democracy. He concludes the book with an analysis of the political, economic, and cultural factors that will decide whether or not the third wave continues. Several Guidelines for Democratizers offer specific, practical suggestions for initiating and carrying out reform. Huntington's emphasis on practical application makes this book a valuable tool for anyone engaged in the democratization process. At this volatile time in history, Huntington's assessment of the processes of democratization is indispensable to understanding the future of democracy in the world.
This is a book about the politics of New Labour that focuses on language. Fairclough gets behind the rhetoric to uncover the real meaning. He examines a wide range of … This is a book about the politics of New Labour that focuses on language. Fairclough gets behind the rhetoric to uncover the real meaning. He examines a wide range of political speeches and texts, from Tony Blair's speech following the death of Diana to the 1997 Labour Party Manifesto and Bill Clinton's book Between Hope and History. New Labour, New Language? blows open the whole debate on the nature of the political discourse of New Labour and the 'Third Way'. Written in a clear, non-technical style and including a glossary, New Labour, New Language? will appeal to anyone interested in language and politics.
Michael Power Oxford University Press, £19.99, pp 183 ISBN 0 19 8289472 This book is valuable precisely because of the obscurity of its subject. Very little has been written about … Michael Power Oxford University Press, £19.99, pp 183 ISBN 0 19 8289472 This book is valuable precisely because of the obscurity of its subject. Very little has been written about the purpose, context, or process of auditing. This book, therefore, fills a gap. The obscurity of the topic also makes the book somewhat heavy going. It is a meaty, dense read. At times, the book tries to cover too much and requires the reader to work hard to keep engaged. Michael Power turns a critical eye towards his former audit profession. He is rightly critical of the current high status given to the act of observing rather than the act of doing. Doctors and NHS managers will enjoy this perspective as they try to cope with difficult …
This book surveys a wealth of British, American, and Canadian studies of public policy making, and proposes a model of the policy process which identifies relevant forces at work in … This book surveys a wealth of British, American, and Canadian studies of public policy making, and proposes a model of the policy process which identifies relevant forces at work in the policy process and aids in the understanding of policy change and development.
Colin CROUCH, Polity, 2011, ISBN 9780745652214, £14.99 (pbk), 224 pp. As Colin Crouch maintains, despite the recent economic crises, neo-liberalism survives, not in the idealised form of self-regul... Colin CROUCH, Polity, 2011, ISBN 9780745652214, £14.99 (pbk), 224 pp. As Colin Crouch maintains, despite the recent economic crises, neo-liberalism survives, not in the idealised form of self-regul...
Abstract Across the broad field of heterodox political economy, ‘neoliberalism’ appears to have become a rascal concept – promiscuously pervasive, yet inconsistently defined, empirically imprecise and frequently contested. Controversies regarding … Abstract Across the broad field of heterodox political economy, ‘neoliberalism’ appears to have become a rascal concept – promiscuously pervasive, yet inconsistently defined, empirically imprecise and frequently contested. Controversies regarding its precise meaning are more than merely semantic. They generally flow from underlying disagreements regarding the sources, expressions and implications of contemporary regulatory transformations. In this article, we consider the handling of ‘neoliberalism’ within three influential strands of heterodox political economy – the varieties of capitalism approach; historical materialist international political economy; and governmentality approaches. While each of these research traditions sheds light on contemporary processes of market‐oriented regulatory restructuring, we argue that each also underplays and/or misreads the systemically uneven, or ‘variegated’, character of these processes. Enabled by a critical interrogation of how each approach interprets the geographies, modalities and pathways of neoliberalization processes, we argue that the problematic of variegation must be central to any adequate account of marketized forms of regulatory restructuring and their alternatives under post‐1970s capitalism. Our approach emphasizes the cumulative impacts of successive ‘waves’ of neoliberalization upon uneven institutional landscapes, in particular: (a) their establishment of interconnected, mutually recursive policy relays within an increasingly transnational field of market‐oriented regulatory transfer; and (b) their infiltration and reworking of the geoinstitutional frameworks, or ‘rule regimes’, within which regulatory experimentation unfolds. This mode of analysis has significant implications for interpreting the current global economic crisis.
Introduction - Scott Lash and Brian Wynne PART ONE: LIVING ON THE VOLCANO OF CIVILIZATION - THE CONTOURS OF THE RISK SOCIETY On the Logic of Wealth Distribution and Risk … Introduction - Scott Lash and Brian Wynne PART ONE: LIVING ON THE VOLCANO OF CIVILIZATION - THE CONTOURS OF THE RISK SOCIETY On the Logic of Wealth Distribution and Risk Distribution The Politics of Knowledge in the Risk Society PART TWO: THE INDIVIDUALIZATION OF SOCIAL INEQUALITY - LIFE-FORMS AND THE DEMISE OF TRADITION Beyond Status and Class? 'I am I' Gendered Space and the Conflict Inside and Outside the Family Individualization, Institutionalization and Standardization Life Situations and Biographical Patterns De-Standardization of Labour PART THREE: REFLEXIVE MODERNIZATION: ON THE GENERALIZATION OF SCIENCE AND POLITICS Science Beyond Truth and Enlightenment? Opening up the Political
When Agendas and Instability in American Politics appeared fifteen years ago, offering a profoundly original account of how policy issues rise and fall on the national agenda, the Journal of … When Agendas and Instability in American Politics appeared fifteen years ago, offering a profoundly original account of how policy issues rise and fall on the national agenda, the Journal of Politics predicted that it would 'become a landmark study of public policy making and American politics'. That prediction proved true, and in this long-awaited second edition, Frank R. Baumgartner and Bryan D. Jones refine their influential argument and expand it to illuminate the workings of democracies beyond the United States. The authors retain all the substance of their contention that short-term, single-issue analysis cast public policy too narrowly as the result of cozy and dependable arrangements among politicians, interest groups, and the media. Baumgartner and Jones provide a different interpretation by taking the long view of several issues - including nuclear energy, urban affairs, smoking, and auto safety - to demonstrate that bursts of rapid, unpredictable policy change punctuate the patterns of stability more frequently associated with government. Featuring a new introduction and two additional chapters, this updated edition ensures that their findings will remain a touchstone of policy studies for many years to come.
Killing, Letting Die, and The Trolley Problem Get access Judith Jarvis Thomson Judith Jarvis Thomson Massachusetts Institute of Technology Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic PubMed … Killing, Letting Die, and The Trolley Problem Get access Judith Jarvis Thomson Judith Jarvis Thomson Massachusetts Institute of Technology Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic PubMed Google Scholar The Monist, Volume 59, Issue 2, 1 April 1976, Pages 204–217, https://doi.org/10.5840/monist197659224 Published: 19 December 2014
The concept of power remains elusive despite the recent and prolific outpourings of case studies on community power. Its elusiveness is dramatically demonstrated by the regularity of disagreement as to … The concept of power remains elusive despite the recent and prolific outpourings of case studies on community power. Its elusiveness is dramatically demonstrated by the regularity of disagreement as to the locus of community power between the sociologists and the political scientists. Sociologically oriented researchers have consistently found that power is highly centralized, while scholars trained in political science have just as regularly concluded that in “their” communities power is widely diffused. Presumably, this explains why the latter group styles itself “pluralist,” its counterpart “elitist.” There seems no room for doubt that the sharply divergent findings of the two groups are the product, not of sheer coincidence, but of fundamental differences in both their underlying assumptions and research methodology. The political scientists have contended that these differences in findings can be explained by the faulty approach and presuppositions of the sociologists. We contend in this paper that the pluralists themselves have not grasped the whole truth of the matter; that while their criticisms of the elitists are sound, they, like the elitists, utilize an approach and assumptions which predetermine their conclusions. Our argument is cast within the frame of our central thesis: that there are two faces of power, neither of which the sociologists see and only one of which the political scientists see.
Abstract The state is not the reality which stands behind the mask of political practice. It is itself the mask which prevents our seeing political practice as it is. There … Abstract The state is not the reality which stands behind the mask of political practice. It is itself the mask which prevents our seeing political practice as it is. There is a state‐system: a palpable nexus of practice and institutional stucture centred in government and more or less extensive, unified and dominant in any given society. There is, too, a state‐idea, projected, purveyed and variously believed in in different societies at different times. We are only making difficulties for ourselves in supposing that we have also to study the state ‐ an entity, agent, function or relation over and above the state‐system and the state‐idea. The state comes into being as a stucturation within political practice; it starts its life as an implicit construct; it is then reified ‐ as the res publica , the public reification, no less ‐ and acquires an overt symbolic identity progressively divorced from practice as an illusory account of practice. The ideological function is extended to a point where conservatives and radicals alike believe that their practice is not directed at each other but at the state: the world of illusion prevails. The task of the sociologist is to demystify; and in this context that means attending to the senses in which the state does not exist rather than to those in which it does. ‘When the state itself it is danger’, Lord Denning said in his judgment yesterday, “our cherished freedoms may have to take second place, and even natural justice itself may have to suffer a setback’. ‘The flaw in Lord Denning's argument is that it is the government who decide what the interests of the state should be and which invokes ‘national security’ as the state chooses to define it’, Ms Pat Hewitt, director of the National Council for Civil Liberties, said yesterday’.
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Politics in Time: History, Institutions, and Social Analysis. By Paul Pierson. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004. 108p. $49.50 cloth, $19.95 paper. Paul Pierson opens his book with a fictional metaphor … Politics in Time: History, Institutions, and Social Analysis. By Paul Pierson. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004. 108p. $49.50 cloth, $19.95 paper. Paul Pierson opens his book with a fictional metaphor in which he imagines “the trendiest new restaurant in town, charmingly named ‘The Modern Social Scientist.’” He invites you to tour the restaurant as “the chef explains that the kitchen is divided into two parts.” On one side, the chef proudly points out the ingredients, called “variables.” On the other side are lovingly arrayed an “extraordinary profusion of measuring devices.” In order to prepare your favorite culinary delight, all the chef need do is combine the correct ingredients, properly measured and calibrated. In this kitchen, the length of time in which the variables are cooked, the order in which the ingredients are combined, and the relative skill of the chef are unimportant to the preparation of the meal. (Later on, the book makes it clear that the specialty of this particular establishment is something called the “multiple regression.”) Pierson concludes this metaphor with the observation that “[f]ew would want to patronize a restaurant with such a philosophy of cooking, but most social scientists are working in that kind of kitchen” (p. 1).
Manchester lies at the foot of the southern slope of a range of hills, which stretch hither from Oldham, their last peak Kersall-moor, being at once the race-course and the … Manchester lies at the foot of the southern slope of a range of hills, which stretch hither from Oldham, their last peak Kersall-moor, being at once the race-course and the Mons Sacer* of Manchester. Manchester proper lies on the left bank of the...
Journal Article Governing the economy: the politics of state intervention in Britain and France Get access Governing the economy: the politics of state intervention in Britain and France. By Peter … Journal Article Governing the economy: the politics of state intervention in Britain and France Get access Governing the economy: the politics of state intervention in Britain and France. By Peter A. Hall. Cambridge: Polity/Blackwell. 1986. 341pp. Index. (Europe and the International Order.) £25.00; ISBN 0 7456 02274. Pb.: £8.95; ISBN 0 7456 0372 6. David Hanley David Hanley 1University of Reading Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 63, Issue 3, summer 1987, Pages 504–505, https://doi.org/10.2307/2619296 Published: 01 July 1987
Neoliberalism--the doctrine that market exchange is an ethic in itself, capable of acting as a guide for all human action--has become dominant in both thought and practice throughout much of … Neoliberalism--the doctrine that market exchange is an ethic in itself, capable of acting as a guide for all human action--has become dominant in both thought and practice throughout much of the world since 1970 or so. Writing for a wide audience, David Harvey, author of The New Imperialism and The Condition of Postmodernity, here tells the political-economic story of where neoliberalization came from and how it proliferated on the world stage. Through critical engagement with this history, he constructs a framework, not only for analyzing the political and economic dangers that now surround us, but also for assessing the prospects for the more socially just alternatives being advocated by many oppositional movements.
This paper revisits the question of the political and theoretical status of neoliberalism, making the case for a process–based analysis of “neoliberalization.” Drawing on the experience of the heartlands of … This paper revisits the question of the political and theoretical status of neoliberalism, making the case for a process–based analysis of “neoliberalization.” Drawing on the experience of the heartlands of neoliberal discursive production, North America and Western Europe, it is argued that the transformative and adaptive capacity of this far–reaching political–economic project has been repeatedly underestimated. Amongst other things, this calls for a close reading of the historical and geographical (re)constitution of the process of neoliberalization and of the variable ways in which different “local neoliberalisms” are embedded within wider networks and structures of neoliberalism. The paper’s contribution to this project is to establish a stylized distinction between the destructive and creative moments of the process of neoliberalism—which are characterized in terms of “roll–back” and “roll–out” neoliberalism, respectively—and then to explore some of the ways in which neoliberalism, in its changing forms, is playing a part in the reconstruction of extralocal relations, pressures, and disciplines.
Neoliberalism--the doctrine that market exchange is an ethic in itself, capable of acting as a guide for all human action--has become dominant in both thought and practice throughout much of … Neoliberalism--the doctrine that market exchange is an ethic in itself, capable of acting as a guide for all human action--has become dominant in both thought and practice throughout much of the world since 1970 or so. Writing for a wide audience, David Harvey, author of The New Imperialism and The Condition of Postmodernity, here tells the political-economic story of where neoliberalization came from and how it proliferated on the world stage. Through critical engagement with this history, he constructs a framework, not only for analyzing the political and economic dangers that now surround us, but also for assessing the prospects for the more socially just alternatives being advocated by many oppositional movements.
The first edition of Unequal Democracy was an instant classic, shattering illusions about American democracy and spurring scholarly and popular interest in the political causes and consequences of escalating economic … The first edition of Unequal Democracy was an instant classic, shattering illusions about American democracy and spurring scholarly and popular interest in the political causes and consequences of escalating economic inequality. This revised and expanded edition includes two new chapters on the political economy of the Obama era. One presents the Great Recession as a “stress test” of the American political system by analyzing the 2008 election and the impact of Barack Obama’s “New New Deal” on the economic fortunes of the rich, middle class, and poor. The other assesses the politics of inequality in the wake of the Occupy Wall Street movement, the 2012 election, and the partisan gridlock of Obama’s second term. Larry Bartels offers a sobering account of the barriers to change posed by partisan ideologies and the political power of the wealthy. He also provides new analyses of tax policy, partisan differences in economic performance, the struggle to raise the minimum wage, and inequalities in congressional representation. President Obama identified inequality as “the defining challenge of our time.” Unequal Democracy is the definitive account of how and why our political system has failed to rise to that challenge. Now more than ever, this is a book every American needs to read.
Book summary page views Book summary page views help Close Book summary page views help Book summary views reflect the number of visits to the book and chapter landing pages. … Book summary page views Book summary page views help Close Book summary page views help Book summary views reflect the number of visits to the book and chapter landing pages. Total views: 0 * Loading metrics...
| Yale University Press eBooks
Abstract This chapter explores crisis management during the government of Lucas Papademos. His was an extraordinary one in relation to this study. It was the only one in the crisis … Abstract This chapter explores crisis management during the government of Lucas Papademos. His was an extraordinary one in relation to this study. It was the only one in the crisis to be headed by a technocrat, not a politician, and it was desperately short-lived. In principle, the purpose behind its creation might have made it a ‘most likely’ case for centralized crisis management: it had two major defined tasks (the negotiation of the PSI and the second bailout) that fitted the expertise and profile of the PM, and after their completion, the government would hand over to a successor. However, the ability of Papademos to provide a clear strategic lead was curtailed by party pressures. He was to ‘project manage’ the delivery of agreed priorities, but only to do so alongside others. His lead was to create a small, but rather ‘insular’ CRN. Together with the PM, they were wary of challenging senior ministers. The effect was to create a contrast between a government of a small inner core around the PM, limited in its purview, and a wider outer circle of conflict, neglect, and drift. The scope for the CRN to provide a centralized crisis response was thus heavily limited by the surrounding party-political pressures. The ‘implementation imperative’ to prompt a greater institutionalization of coordination processes was barely relevant to such a short government tenure. Yet, even so, within his Office, an agenda was advanced to prepare reforms in cross-ministerial coordination and this would be a matter taken up in 2012 by the Troika.
Nurina Ally | Pretoria University Law Press eBooks
This collection of essays is written in celebration of Edwin Cameron’s career, particularly as a judge from 1994 to 2019. Edwin is an outstanding intellect, as is apparent not only … This collection of essays is written in celebration of Edwin Cameron’s career, particularly as a judge from 1994 to 2019. Edwin is an outstanding intellect, as is apparent not only from his academic achievements at both the Universities of Stellenbosch and South Africa but also by the award to him of the Vinerian Scholarship during his studies at Oxford. His intellectual ability has been evident in his prodigious judicial and scholarly output over more than 25 years. Edwin is also firmly committed to the transformative vision of South Africa’s Constitution. As many of the contributions to this book make clear, he has in his jurisprudence sought to envisage and foster a South Africa in which the dignity of all its people is respected, and in which equality is promoted and fair treatment the norm. So it is right that we celebrate Edwin’s contribution as a judge. But there are other reasons to celebrate Edwin. The first is his candid and brave acknowledgement of who he is, a white gay man living with HIV in South Africa, who came from a disadvantaged background in which he experienced heartbreaking loss early in his life and the prospect of premature death as a result of his infection with HIV in the late 1980s. Edwin has written compellingly about his life in his two autobiographical works, Witness to AIDS (2005) and Justice: A personal account (2014). These unflinching memoirs – the first outlining his battle with AIDS and the second about his early family life – are deeply personal accounts of the life of a public figure. They are especially remarkable given that, more than 30 years into our horrifying encounter with the HIV/AIDS epidemic, which has tragically affected generations of South Africans across all walks of life, Edwin remains one of the only South Africans in public life to have told the story of his HIV-status. The second reason to celebrate Edwin is his ability to be attentive and empowering towards many of those with whom he has worked during his career.
Leo Boonzaier | Pretoria University Law Press eBooks
Edwin Cameron is one of post-apartheid South Africa’s most consequential and respected judges. This book seeks to honour him, and to interpret and critique his legacy. It comprises seven short … Edwin Cameron is one of post-apartheid South Africa’s most consequential and respected judges. This book seeks to honour him, and to interpret and critique his legacy. It comprises seven short tributes and fourteen scholarly chapters. This introduction provides an overview of Cameron’s life and career and highlights key themes that will be discussed in the chapters to come.
Loredana Cappelletti | Routledge eBooks

Introduction

2025-06-20
| Cambridge University Press eBooks
William Mangold | Routledge eBooks
| Oxford University Press eBooks
Abstract This volume introduces a “connection action” framework for explaining democratic backsliding. We bring together a mostly political science comparativist literature on the role of institutions and organizations in democratic … Abstract This volume introduces a “connection action” framework for explaining democratic backsliding. We bring together a mostly political science comparativist literature on the role of institutions and organizations in democratic stability and decline with a political communication literature that emphasizes the role of digital technology, especially social media platforms. According to the political science institutionalist literature, political parties aligned with economic elites face what Ziblatt (2017) calls a “conservative dilemma,” especially during times of expanded suffrage and great wealth and income inequality. They must find ways to remain competitive in fair elections while preserving the status and privileges of their core constituency. They do so by emphasizing non-economic “cleavage issues” to mobilize a cross-class coalition. Cleavage issues are hot-button cultural concerns that prime elections on non-economic anxieties. Conservative parties are assisted in this effort by “surrogate organizations,” groups and organizations that are affiliated with but not an official part of a conservative party. An example would be the U.S. Republican party’s association with the National Rifle Association and various Evangelical organizations. While surrogate organizations can help mobilize winning coalitions by helping to promote cleavage issues, they also pose a threat to their allied party. Should a surrogate organization become too powerful and too extreme in their positions, they can pull the party into illiberalism. Drawing on Bennett and Segerberg’s “connective action” model (2013), we argue that a new threat to democratic stability is present in “digital surrogate organizations.” Routinized forms of online communication, such as Facebook groups, subreddits, and hashtags, can be thought of as organizations. Hitherto scattered persons and ideas cohere and mobilize on these platforms in common purpose. Even possibly more than conventional organizations, digital surrogate organizations constitute a clear threat to the ideological coherence of a conservative party, as several of the contributors to this volume note with #Qanon and #StoptheSteal and the Republican party.
Kieron O’Hara | Edward Elgar Publishing eBooks
Kieron O’Hara | Edward Elgar Publishing eBooks
Pascal Marc Wagner | transcript Verlag eBooks
Brittany R. Roberts | Manchester University Press eBooks
| The MIT Press eBooks
Abstract New fiscal histories of the United States are in a state of efflorescence. Revisionist work infused with economic heterodoxy and social histories of capitalism have rescued fiscal topics from … Abstract New fiscal histories of the United States are in a state of efflorescence. Revisionist work infused with economic heterodoxy and social histories of capitalism have rescued fiscal topics from staid institutionalists, producing work that should enrich the study of inequalities of all stripes. By assembling a collection of recent works on money, public debt, and taxation—subjects treated in isolation within the literature, but which form a totality in practice—this review attempts a composite portrait of the United States’ fiscal state formation in the long run. Present in the foreground and at each stage is real estate: the iconic plot of farmland or single-family home.

Jacques Delors

2025-06-16
N. Piers Ludlow | La Documentation française eBooks
Mila Versteeg , Emily Zackin | Law Culture and the Humanities
Constitutional scholars have long observed that the term “constitutional crisis” is overused. Pundits and scholars routinely use it to describe constitutional developments that they view as normatively undesirable. But doing … Constitutional scholars have long observed that the term “constitutional crisis” is overused. Pundits and scholars routinely use it to describe constitutional developments that they view as normatively undesirable. But doing so may hurt our ability to recognize them. We use a comparative and historical perspective to call attention to the worst-case scenario of constitutional breakdown. This scenario, which we will refer to as a “constitutional crisis of authority,” is defined by the presence of competing claims to legitimate political or legal authority in a single office—such as the existence of two presidents or two apex courts. Despite their gravity, such episodes of competing authority are not generally the focus of the U.S. literature on constitutional crises, presumably because the federal constitutional system has rarely experienced them. In addition, many of the scenarios that US scholars do describe as crises turn out, upon comparative and/or historical analysis, to be relatively common, both abroad and within the United States. These so-called “constitutional crises” include violations of constitutional rules and norms, the failure of poorly designed provisions to settle legal disputes, and even the failure of constitutional systems to address large problems. All of these are, we argue, less threatening to the survival of a constitutional system than crises of authority.
The conversation discusses what an ethnographic or anthropological approach can bring to political sociology on the causes and consequences of Brexit in the UK, particularly in questioning the simplifications of … The conversation discusses what an ethnographic or anthropological approach can bring to political sociology on the causes and consequences of Brexit in the UK, particularly in questioning the simplifications of dominant public opinion research. It points to the lack of awareness of post-colonial approaches to race and multiculturalism in such mainstream understandings, outlining the alternative perspectives found in Northern Exposure’s study of four large towns and small cities in the North of England. The discussion goes on to explore the innovative co-productive approach to impact developed by the project, whose output included local community engagement, videoed policy debates, and a full-length documentary film alongside conventional academic writing. The project Principal Investigator argues for a more critical constructivist epistemology in our understanding of UK politics during the era of Brexit, COVID and after.
The UK’s transformation into a low-carbon economy has reached the halfway point. However, the next stage of the decarbonisation process will require socially unpopular actions to be taken more often … The UK’s transformation into a low-carbon economy has reached the halfway point. However, the next stage of the decarbonisation process will require socially unpopular actions to be taken more often than before. Against this background, British political parties published election manifestos before the general election in 2024. The analysis of these documents allows us not only to understand the parties’ priorities in the energy and climate policy, but also to observe the evolution of the approach to this topic in the UK. Through the analysis of election manifestos, the article aims to examine the state of consensus of major British political parties on the green transformation that has existed for almost two decades. The research results shed light on the importance of public participation in designing political programmes in the area of energy and climate, which is also significant in the context of challenges related to Polish and European energy and climate transformation.
| University Press of Kansas eBooks
Eran Fisher | tripleC Communication Capitalism & Critique Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society
This article seeks to lay bare the connection between personalisation in digital media and populism. Underpinning both the technology and the political ideology is a shared promise. They offer similar … This article seeks to lay bare the connection between personalisation in digital media and populism. Underpinning both the technology and the political ideology is a shared promise. They offer similar answers to the epistemological and methodological questions: “what is the true will of (the) people?”, and “how to tap into it?”. Both personalisation and populism assume that modern, reflexive, critical subjectivity has veiled this authentic will, and both offer alternative routes to salvage it and bring it to the fore of individual and political life. Theoretically, I follow the seminal work of Shapin and Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-Pump, highlighting the link between two seemingly autonomous discourses: technical/scientific, on the other hand, and political, in the other hand. The justification for one, they show, resonates the other. Empirically, I focus on the discourse of personalisation in the cultural field, and show how it promises to democratise Culture (capital C) – as a unified, hierarchical, to-down, elitist, and shared social field – by giving users the technological means to tap into their real wants and desires. The promise encapsulated in personalisation – a technological assemblage of digital platforms, big data, and algorithms – echoes the anti-elitist sentiment of populist ideology.