Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations

Post-Soviet Geopolitical Dynamics

Works Count: 44086

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Description

This cluster of papers explores the complex dynamics and challenges surrounding de facto states, focusing on issues such as state-building, sovereignty, ethnic conflict, international recognition, and diplomatic engagement. The papers delve into the sustainability and future of unrecognized quasi-states, shedding light on post-Soviet conflicts and the intricacies of nation-building in these contexts.

Keywords

De Facto States; Unrecognized Quasi-States; State-Building; Sovereignty; Ethnic Conflict; International Recognition; Secession; Diplomatic Engagement; Post-Soviet Conflicts; Nation-Building

Nationhood and political theory

1996-12-01

Margaret Canovan

Part 1 Introduction. Part 2 The case against nationalism: romantic-collectivist nationalism liberal-individualistic nationalism nationalhood as a tacit assumption in political theory. Part 3 Democratic theory - government by the people: … Part 1 Introduction. Part 2 The case against nationalism: romantic-collectivist nationalism liberal-individualistic nationalism nationalhood as a tacit assumption in political theory. Part 3 Democratic theory - government by the people: the geographic limits of the people membership of the people collective identity. Part 4 Social justice - looking after our people: boundaries and bonds social solidarity and effective government. Part 5 Liberal universalism - a national heritage?: political theory, political community and nationhood. Part 6 What is a nation?: nations as states nations as cultural communities nations and subjective identity nations as ethnic groups modernization and nation-building nation-building and modernization. Part 7 Power from the people - nationhood and political community: nations as mediators nations as worlds nations as batteries English/British nationhood. Part 8 Nationhood, patriotism and universalism: states without nations the state as a service station constitutional patriotism universal principles and particluar polities republican patriotism. Part 9 Nationalism versus liberal democracy: national variations nationalism as politics the modern prince the dialect of nationhood nations under threat? Part 10 Nationhood and political theory: beneath and beyond the nation-state defending the nation-state national liberalism? realism, utopianism and muddling through nationalist realism universalist utopianism neo-Hobbesian realism muddling through.

Building cross-cultural competence: how to create wealth from conflicting values

2001-03-01

Charles M. Hampden-Turner , Alfons Trompenaars , David Lewis

Introduction. Universalism-Particularism: The Dilemma. Reconciling Universalism and Particularism: Stories and Cases. Individualism-Communitarianism: The Dilemma. Reconciling Individualism and Communitarianism: Stories and Cases. Specificity-Diffuseness: The Dilemma. Reconciling Specificity and Diffuseness: Stories and … Introduction. Universalism-Particularism: The Dilemma. Reconciling Universalism and Particularism: Stories and Cases. Individualism-Communitarianism: The Dilemma. Reconciling Individualism and Communitarianism: Stories and Cases. Specificity-Diffuseness: The Dilemma. Reconciling Specificity and Diffuseness: Stories and Cases. Achieved-Ascribed Status: The Dilemma. Reconciling Achieved with Ascribed Status: Stories and Cases. Inner Direction versus Outer Direction: The Dilemma. Reconciling Inner and Outer Direction: Stories and Cases. Sequential and Synchronous Time: The Dilemma. Reconciling Sequential and Synchronous Time: Stories and Cases. Appendix 1 - Dilemma Theory and Its Origins. Appendix 2 - Exercises in Reconciliation. Appendix 3 - Measuring Transcultural Competence: Old and New. Questionnaries. Appendix 4 - The Space Between Dimensions. Bibliography. Filmography. Index.

Bosnia: faking democracy after Dayton

2000-02-01

David Chandler

The Dayton Accords brought the Bosnian war to an end in November 1995, establishing a detailed framework for the reconstitution of the Bosnian state and its consolidation through a process … The Dayton Accords brought the Bosnian war to an end in November 1995, establishing a detailed framework for the reconstitution of the Bosnian state and its consolidation through a process of democratisation. In Bosnia David Chandler makes the first in-depth critical analysis of the policies and impact of post-Dayton democratisation. Drawing on interviews with key officials within the OSCE in Bosnia and extensive original research exploring the impact of policies designed to further political pluralism, develop multi-ethnic administrations, protect human rights and support civil society, Chandler reveals that the process has done virtually nothing to develop democracy in this troubled country. Political autonomy and accountability are now further away than at any time since the outbreak of the Bosnian war. The Afterword to this new edition updates Bosnian developments and adds an analysis of the structures and problems of the international protectorate in Kosovo.

No Future Without Forgiveness

1999-09-01

Archbishop Desmond Tutu

Competitive authoritarianism: hybrid regimes after the Cold War

2012-02-01

Michael Seeberg

Competitive authoritarianism: hybrid regimes after the Cold War, by Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, New York, Cambridge University Press, 2010, 536 pp., £60 (hardback), ISBN 0521882524 and £21.99 (p... Competitive authoritarianism: hybrid regimes after the Cold War, by Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, New York, Cambridge University Press, 2010, 536 pp., £60 (hardback), ISBN 0521882524 and £21.99 (p...

Rebuilding State Institutions in Collapsed States

2002-11-01

Marina Ottaway

The international community has embraced an unprecedented approach to collapsed states — those that have lost their capacity to perform even the most basic functions. While historically such states simply … The international community has embraced an unprecedented approach to collapsed states — those that have lost their capacity to perform even the most basic functions. While historically such states simply disappeared, divided up into smaller units or were conquered by a more powerful neighbour, collapsed states are now expected to be rebuilt within the same international borders thanks to the intervention of multilateral organizations and bilateral donors. Furthermore, there is now the expectation that these states will from the very beginning be rebuilt as democracies with strong institutions. This article examines the model of state reconstruction currently adopted by the international community and some examples of its implementation. It concludes that the approach cannot be applied to all countries, that institution–building is often undertaken prematurely, and that there is a discrepancy between the donors’ prescriptions and the resources they are willing to make available.

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Russian ‘deniable’ intervention in Ukraine: how and why Russia broke the rules

2014-11-01

Roy Allison

The Russian military interventions in Ukraine, which have led to the annexation of the Crimean peninsula and to the entrenchment of separatist enclaves in Donetsk and Luhansk provinces, directly challenge … The Russian military interventions in Ukraine, which have led to the annexation of the Crimean peninsula and to the entrenchment of separatist enclaves in Donetsk and Luhansk provinces, directly challenge the post-Cold War European state system. Russia has consistently denied any wrongdoing or illegal military involvement and has presented its policies as a reaction to the repression of ethnic Russians and Russian speakers. This article argues that it is important to examine and contest unfounded Russian legal and political claims used by Moscow to justify its interventions. The article proceeds to assess in detail three different explanations of the Russian operations in Ukraine: geopolitical competition and structural power (including the strategic benefits of seizing Crimea); identity and ideational factors; and the search for domestic political consolidation in Russia. These have all played a role, although the role of identity appears the least convincing in explaining the timing and scope of Russian encroachments on Ukrainian territorial integrity and the disruption of Ukrainian statehood.

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Authoritarian State Building and the Sources of Regime Competitiveness in the Fourth Wave: The Cases of Belarus, Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine

2005-01-01

Lucan A. Way

This article explores the sources of regime competitiveness in the post-cold war era through a structured comparison of regime trajectories in Belarus, Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine, for the period 1992–2004. … This article explores the sources of regime competitiveness in the post-cold war era through a structured comparison of regime trajectories in Belarus, Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine, for the period 1992–2004. An examination of these cases suggests the need for a fundamental rethinking of the commonly held view of the transition process—especially in countries that face relatively weak international democratizing pressures. Approaching these countries as unconsolidated autocracies rather than as simply emerging democracies draws attention to key sources of political competition that have largely been ignored in the literature on competitive regimes. Thus, competitive politics in Belarus, Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine were rooted less in robust civil societies, strong democratic institutions, or leadership than in the inability of incumbents to maintain power or concentrate political control by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents. Such ”pluralism by default” has been the outgrowth of the strength of anti-incumbent national identity and incumbent weakness as defined by a lack of know-how, ineffective incumbent organization, and/or the weakness of certain dimensions of state power.

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The Moldovans: Romania, Russia, and the Politics of Culture

2000-01-01

Robert Legvold , Charles King

The first English-language book to present a complete picture of this intriguing East European borderland, The Moldovans: Romania, Russia, and the Politics of Culture, illuminates the perennial problems of identity … The first English-language book to present a complete picture of this intriguing East European borderland, The Moldovans: Romania, Russia, and the Politics of Culture, illuminates the perennial problems of identity politics and cultural change that the country has endured.

The history of the Armenian genocide: ethnic conflict from the Balkans to Anatolia to the Caucasus

1996-05-01

Vahakn N. Dadrian

PART 1: HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION BY THE POWERS: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE PART 2: THE ORIGINS OF THE ARMENIAN QUESTION AND THE TURKO-ARMENIAN CONFLICT PART 3: THE DYSFUNCTIONS OF HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION IN … PART 1: HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION BY THE POWERS: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE PART 2: THE ORIGINS OF THE ARMENIAN QUESTION AND THE TURKO-ARMENIAN CONFLICT PART 3: THE DYSFUNCTIONS OF HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION IN THE RISE AND TREATMENT OF THE ARMENIAN QUESTION PART 4: THE INAUGURATION OF A PROTO-GENOCIDE POLICY PART 5: THE WARS AND MASSACRES OF THE NEW YOUNG TURK REGIME AND THE DEMISE OF HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTIONISM PART 6: THE INITIATION AND CONSUMMATION OF THE GENOCIDE UNDER COVER OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR PART 7: THE QUEST FOR JUSTICE IN THE AFTERMATH OF TURKISH MILITARY DEFEAT PART 8: THE PUSH BEYOND DOMESTIC GENOCIDE. THE TARGETING OF THE RUSSIAN ARMENIANS PART 9: A REVIEW OF THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE IN A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE CONCLUSION

International Law and the Rights of Minorities

1991-05-10

Yoram Dinstein , Patrick Thornberry

The treatment of ethnic and religious minorities by states is a major issue in the closing decade of the twentieth century. Conflict between ethnic groups, and between groups and states … The treatment of ethnic and religious minorities by states is a major issue in the closing decade of the twentieth century. Conflict between ethnic groups, and between groups and states colours international relations and politics. The developments in Eastern Europe and the USSR have led to a re-emergence of ethnic and nationalist issues, whilst the problems of national consolidation of new states inevitably raises questions of culture, religiation and language. Minorities rights are difficult to accommodate within the individualist and universalist framework of human rights. International law is required to deal with dilemmas such as individual versus collective rights, passivity on the part of the state towards minority cultures or positive action to promote them, and nation-building as against group self-determination and autonomy. International Law and the Rights of Minorities attempts to explore the response of international law to these major questions through detailed analysis of treaty and customary law, including regional treaties. Areas covered include the prohibition of genocide, Article 27 of the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the principle of non-discrimination and the related but separable issue of indigenous peoples and international law. Reference is also made to the pre-UN tradition of group protection. International Law and the Rights of Minorities concludes with an assessment of the achievements of international law in these areas and explores the possibilities for future progress.

Democracy and the foreigner

2002-04-01

Bonnie Honig

What should we do about foreigners? Should we try to make them more like us or keep them at bay to protect our democracy, our culture, our well-being? This dilemma … What should we do about foreigners? Should we try to make them more like us or keep them at bay to protect our democracy, our culture, our well-being? This dilemma underlies age-old debates about immigration, citizenship, and national identity that are strikingly relevant today. In Democracy and the Foreigner , Bonnie Honig reverses the question: What problems might foreigners solve for us? Hers is not a conventional approach. Instead of lauding the achievements of individual foreigners, she probes a much larger issue--the symbolic politics of foreignness. In doing so she shows not only how our debates over foreignness help shore up our national or democratic identities, but how anxieties endemic to liberal democracy themselves animate ambivalence toward foreignness. Central to Honig's arguments are stories featuring ''foreign-founders,'' in which the origins or revitalization of a people depend upon a foreigner's energy, virtue, insight, or law. From such popular movies as The Wizard of Oz, Shane , and Strictly Ballroom to the biblical stories of Moses and Ruth to the myth of an immigrant America, from Rousseau to Freud, foreignness is represented not just as a threat but as a supplement for communities periodically requiring renewal. Why? Why do people tell stories in which their societies are dependent on strangers? One of Honig's most surprising conclusions is that an appreciation of the role of foreigners in (re)founding peoples works neither solely as a cosmopolitan nor a nationalist resource. For example, in America, nationalists see one archetypal foreign-founder--the naturalized immigrant--as reconfirming the allure of deeply held American values, whereas to cosmopolitans this immigrant represents the deeply transnational character of American democracy. Scholars and students of political theory, and all those concerned with the dilemmas democracy faces in accommodating difference, will find this book rich with valuable and stimulating insights.

THE EULERIAN FUNCTIONS OF A GROUP

1936-01-01

P. Hall

Russian Eurasianism: An Ideology of Empire

2009-12-01

Mark Bassin , Marlène Laruelle , Mischa Gabowitsch

Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia has been marginalized at the edge of a Western-dominated political and economic system. In recent years, however, leading Russian figures, including former … Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia has been marginalized at the edge of a Western-dominated political and economic system. In recent years, however, leading Russian figures, including former president Vladimir Putin, have begun to stress a geopolitics that puts Russia at the center of a number of axes: European-Asian, Christian-Muslim-Buddhist, Mediterranean-Indian, Slavic-Turkic, and so on. This volume examines the political presuppositions and expanding intellectual impact of Eurasianism, a movement promoting an ideology of Russian-Asian greatness, which has begun to take hold throughout Russia, Kazakhstan, and Turkey. Eurasianism purports to tell Russians what is unalterably important about them and why it can only be expressed in an empire. Using a wide range of sources, Marlene Laruelle discusses the impact of the ideology of Eurasianism on geopolitics, interior policy, foreign policy, and culturalist philosophy.

The Oxford Handbook of Transformations of the State

2015-06-01

Stephan Leibfried , Evelyne Huber Stephens , Matthew Lange +3 more

PART 1: THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN STATES PART II: INTERNATIONALIZATION AND THE STATE PART III: CONTEMPORARY TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE CORE OECD-WORLD OF STATES PART IV: POSTCOMMUNIST PECULIARITIES? STATE TRANSFORMATIONS IN … PART 1: THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN STATES PART II: INTERNATIONALIZATION AND THE STATE PART III: CONTEMPORARY TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE CORE OECD-WORLD OF STATES PART IV: POSTCOMMUNIST PECULIARITIES? STATE TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE FORMER COMMUNIST WORLD PART V: STATE TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE NON-OECD WORLD PART VI: CONCLUSION

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Lessons from Bosnia and Herzegovina: Travails of the European Raj

2003-07-01

Gerald Knaus , Félix E. Martín

Abstract: Can the extraordinary powers of the international mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina be justified by reference to a state of emergency, and do they facilitate its objectives of state-building … Abstract: Can the extraordinary powers of the international mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina be justified by reference to a state of emergency, and do they facilitate its objectives of state-building and democratization? A review of the history of the international protectorate—and in particular the Office of the High Representative—finds that the answers to these questions are negative. Its philosophy, as revealed by its actions, is very similar to that of 19th century liberal imperialism; but the theory of emergency powers of the constitutional dictator of Niccolo Machiavelli offers a better roadmap for future post-conflict missions. The specification and independent monitoring of a red line beyond which international power will not be used is vital to their legitimacy and effectiveness.

Self-Determination of Peoples. A Legal Reappraisal. By Antonio Cassese. Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp. xviii, 365. Index.

1996-04-01

James Crawford

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Bosnia after Dayton: Nationalist Partition and International Intervention

2003-09-01

Sol Schindler

Book Review| September 01 2003 Bosnia after Dayton: Nationalist Partition and International Intervention Sumantra Bose: Bosnia after Dayton: Nationalist Partition and International Intervention. London: Oxford University Press, 2002. 303 pages. … Book Review| September 01 2003 Bosnia after Dayton: Nationalist Partition and International Intervention Sumantra Bose: Bosnia after Dayton: Nationalist Partition and International Intervention. London: Oxford University Press, 2002. 303 pages. ISBN 0-19-515848-2. $35.00. Sol Schindler Sol Schindler Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Mediterranean Quarterly (2003) 14 (3): 122–125. https://doi.org/10.1215/10474552-14-3-122 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Twitter Permissions Search Site Citation Sol Schindler; Bosnia after Dayton: Nationalist Partition and International Intervention. Mediterranean Quarterly 1 September 2003; 14 (3): 122–125. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/10474552-14-3-122 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsMediterranean Quarterly Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Mediterranean Affairs, Inc.2003 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal Issue Section: Reviews You do not currently have access to this content.

Secession: The Morality of Political Divorce from Fort Sumter to Lithuania and Quebec

1992-01-01

Andrew J. Pierre , Allen Buchanan

* The Problems of Secession * The Morality of Secession * The Moral Case Against Secession * A Constitutional Right to Secede * Conclusions * The Problems of Secession * The Morality of Secession * The Moral Case Against Secession * A Constitutional Right to Secede * Conclusions

Minorities at risk: a global view of ethnopolitical conflicts

1994-04-01

James G. Kellas

Journal Article Minorities at risk: a global view of ethnopolitical conflicts Get access Minorities at risk: a global view of ethnopolitical conflicts. By Ted Robert Gurr. Washington DC: United States … Journal Article Minorities at risk: a global view of ethnopolitical conflicts Get access Minorities at risk: a global view of ethnopolitical conflicts. By Ted Robert Gurr. Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace Press. 1993. 427pp. Index. $37.50; ISBN 1 878379 25 9. Pb.: $24.95; ISBN 1 878379 24 0. James Kellas James Kellas 1University of Glasgow Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 70, Issue 2, April 1994, Page 326, https://doi.org/10.2307/2625271 Published: 01 April 1994

Rise and Demise of the Territorial State

1957-07-01

John H. Herz

Students and practitioners of international politics are at present in a strange predicament. Complex though their problems have been in the past, there was then at least some certainty about … Students and practitioners of international politics are at present in a strange predicament. Complex though their problems have been in the past, there was then at least some certainty about the “givens,” the basic structure and the basic phenomena of international relations. Today one is neither here nor there. On the one hand, for instance, one is assured—or at least tempted to accept assurance—that for all practical purposes a nuclear stalemate rules out major war as a major means of policy today and in the foreseeable future. On the other hand, one has an uncanny sense of the practicability of the unabated arms race, and a doubt whether reliance can be placed solely on the deterrent purpose of all this preparation. We are no longer sure about the functions of war and peace, nor do we know how to define the national interest and what its defense requires under present conditions. As a matter of fact, the meaning and function of the basic protective unit, the “sovereign” nation-state itself, have become doubtful.

The Sustainability and Future of Unrecognized Quasi-States

2006-11-01

Pål Kolstø

The study of quasi-states has been marred by an unfortunate terminological confusion. Sometimes, this term is taken to mean recognized states that fail to develop the necessary state structures to … The study of quasi-states has been marred by an unfortunate terminological confusion. Sometimes, this term is taken to mean recognized states that fail to develop the necessary state structures to function as fully fledged, ‘real’ states. At other times, ‘quasi-states’ is a designation given to regions that secede from another state, gain de facto control over the territory they lay claim to, but fail to achieve international recognition. The author proposes that, in order to clear up this confusion, recognized but ineffectual states ought to be referred as ‘failed states’, while the term ‘quasi-states’ ought to be reserved for unrecognized, de facto states. Since quasi-states are not supported by international recognition, they must be sustained by something else. In contrast to researchers who maintain that the majority of these quasi-states are quite strong, this article argues that their modal tendency is weak economy and weak state structures. The main reasons why these states nevertheless have not collapsed seem to be that they have managed to build up internal support from the local population through propaganda and identity-building; channel a disproportionately large part of their meager resources into military defense; enjoy the support of a strong patron; and, in most cases, have seceded from a state that is itself very weak.

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Regime Theory and International Relations. Edited by Volker Rittberger with the assistance of Peter Mayer. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993. Pp. xii, 463. Index. $57.

1995-04-01

Anne-Marie Slaughter

Perestroika: New Thinking for Our Country and the World

1988-01-01

John C. Campbell , Mikhail Gorbachev

Perestroika, which means restructuring, is Mikhail Gorbachev's own account of the policies he is currently implementing in the USSR. Created 70 years after the October Revolution, perestroika constitutes a revolution … Perestroika, which means restructuring, is Mikhail Gorbachev's own account of the policies he is currently implementing in the USSR. Created 70 years after the October Revolution, perestroika constitutes a revolution in ideas, attitudes and practice that entails a radical alteration of Russian domestic and foreign policy. Frank in his criticism of the past, the Soviet leader details his convictions for tolerance, understanding and world peace. He presents a coherent vision which he offers as an alternative to the current divisions and tensions of the international political scene. Mikhail Gorbachev has been the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union's Central Committee, Chairman of the USSR Council of Defence and Member of the Praesidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet since March 1985.

Autonomy as a Source of Conflict: Caucasian Conflicts in Theoretical Perspective

2002-01-01

Svante Cornell

The granting of autonomous status to minority populations has gained support among academics and practitioners alike as a way to solve, manage, and even preempt ethnic conflict. In spite of … The granting of autonomous status to minority populations has gained support among academics and practitioners alike as a way to solve, manage, and even preempt ethnic conflict. In spite of the enthusiasm for ethnofederalism, however, the provision of autonomy to minorities may actually increase rather than decrease the likelihood of conflict. Under certain political conditions, autonomy promotes the separate identity of the minority and increases its motivation and capacity to seek separation from the central state. This article presents a rudimentary theoretical framework identifying which qualities of autonomy solutions increase the likelihood of conflict. It discusses how autonomy relates to other factors conducive to conflict by studying minorities in the South Caucasus and examines the case of Georgia. In Georgia, there were five ethnic minority populations, two of whom—the Abkhaz and the South Ossetians—enjoyed autonomous status and were the only minorities to engage in armed conflict with the Georgian government. This article shows how autonomy, by empowering ethnic elites with control of statelike institutions and by enhancing factors such as leadership, economic viability, and external support, played a crucial role in the escalation of the conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Conversely, the absence of autonomy mitigated separatist and secessionist sentiments among two of Georgia's other minority groups—Javakheti's Armenian and Kvemo Kartli's Azeri populations.

How the Soviet Union is Governed, <i>by Merle Fainsod and Jerry F. Hough</i>

1979-01-01

Robert G. Wesson

Journal Article How the Soviet Union is Governed, by Merle Fainsod and Jerry F. Hough Get access How the Soviet Union is Governed by Jerry F. Hough and Merle Fainsod. … Journal Article How the Soviet Union is Governed, by Merle Fainsod and Jerry F. Hough Get access How the Soviet Union is Governed by Jerry F. Hough and Merle Fainsod. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1979. 679 pp. $18.50. Robert Wesson Robert Wesson University of California, Santa Barbara Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Political Science Quarterly, Volume 94, Issue 3, Fall 1979, Pages 562–563, https://doi.org/10.2307/2150484 Published: 15 September 1979

The Benefits of Ethnic War: Understanding Eurasia's Unrecognized States

2001-07-01

Charles King

Within international relations, discussions about how civil wars end have focused mainly on the qualities of the belligerents (ethnicity, commitment to the cause) or on the strategic environment of decision … Within international relations, discussions about how civil wars end have focused mainly on the qualities of the belligerents (ethnicity, commitment to the cause) or on the strategic environment of decision making (security dilemmas). Work in sociology and development economics, however, has highlighted the importance of war economies and the functional role of violence. This article combines these approaches by examining the mechanisms through which the chaos of war becomes transformed into networks of profit, and through which these in turn become hardened into the institutions of quasi states. The first section offers a brief overview of current research on civil war endings. The second section outlines the course of four Eurasian wars and identifies the de facto states that have arisen after them: the republic of Nagorno-Karabakh (in Azerbaijan), the Dnestr Moldovan republic (in Moldova), and the republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia (in Georgia). The third section analyzes the pillars of state building in each case: the political economy of weak states, the role of external actors, the mythologizing function of cultural and educational institutions, and the complicity of central governments. The concluding section suggests lessons that these cases might hold for further study of intrastate violence.

Minorities at Risk: A Global View of Ethnopolitical Conflicts

1994-01-01

Francis Fukuyama , Ted R. Gurr

The turmoil in Yugoslavia, the rebellions of the Kurds and Shi???is in Iraq, the ongoing struggle in South Africa???ethnic conflict continues unabated in many areas of the world.To help us … The turmoil in Yugoslavia, the rebellions of the Kurds and Shi???is in Iraq, the ongoing struggle in South Africa???ethnic conflict continues unabated in many areas of the world.To help us understand the persistence of such conflict, this pioneering work analyzes ethnopolitical conflict in every region of the globe. An ambitious and unprecedented effort, it provides a comprehensive survey of 233 politically active communal groups, plus in-depth assessments of ethnic tensions in the western democracies, the former Soviet bloc, the Middle East, and Africa.By identifying these groups and examining their disadvantages and grievances, Minorities at Risk attempts to explain why disadvantaged groups mobilize, and it evaluates strategies that have successfully reduced ethnic conflict in the past, including autonomy, pluralism, and power sharing.This provocative and well-written volume challenges conventional wisdom and raises the discussion about a widespread but little-understood phenomenon to a higher level.

The Philosophical Theory of the State.

1900-01-01

S. W. Dyde , Bernard Bosanquet

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Peace in Parts: Integration and Conflict in Regional Organization

1972-01-01

Donald J. Puchala , Joseph S. Nye

The European rescue of the nation-state

1993-10-01

Ethnic Warfare on the Wane

2000-01-01

Ted Robert Gurr

In November 1999, Indonesias new president, Abdurrahman Wahid, promised in both Jakarta and Washington to hold a referendum on autonomy in the secessionist province of Aceh. His government reportedly started … In November 1999, Indonesias new president, Abdurrahman Wahid, promised in both Jakarta and Washington to hold a referendum on autonomy in the secessionist province of Aceh. His government reportedly started negotiating with representatives of the Free Aceh movement?something flatly unthinkable under Wahids autocratic predecessor, Suharto. Wahid s actions are hardly isolated. Indeed, they bespeak a new global strategy to contain ethnic conflict. Its essential principles are that threats to divide a country should be managed by the devolution of state power and that communal fighting about access to the state s power and resources should be restrained by recognizing group rights and sharing power. The conventional wisdom, of course, is that tribal and nationalist fighting is still rising frighteningly. But in fact, the rash of ethnic warfare peaked in the early 1990s?countered, in most regions, by the application of these principles. The brutality of the conflicts in Kosovo, East Timor, and Rwanda?and the messiness of the international responses to them? obscures the larger shift from confrontation toward accommodation. But the trends are there: a sharp decline in new ethnic wars, the settlement of many old ones, and proactive efforts by states and international organizations to recognize group rights and channel ethnic disputes into conventional politics. In Kosovo and East Timor, intervention was chosen only after other means failed. The fact that

Why the Ukraine Crisis is the West’s Fault. The Liberal Delusions that Provoked Putin

2014-01-01

John J. Mearsheimer

Conflict among Nations

1978-01-01

Richard G. Head , Glenn H. Snyder , Paul Diesing

People, states and fear: the national security problem in international relations

1984-01-01

M. Wright

Journal Article People, states and fear: the national security problem in international relations Get access People, states and fear: the national security problem in international relations. By Barry Buzan. Brighton, … Journal Article People, states and fear: the national security problem in international relations Get access People, states and fear: the national security problem in international relations. By Barry Buzan. Brighton, Sussex: Wheatsheaf. 1983. 262pp. Index. £20.00. Pb.: £6.95. M. Wright M. Wright 1University College of Wales, Aberystwyth Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 60, Issue 2, Spring 1984, Pages 289–290, https://doi.org/10.2307/2619056 Published: 01 April 1984

The International Dimensions of Internal Conflict

1996-01-01

Francis Fukuyama , Michael E. Brown

Deadly internal conflicts threaten dozens of countries and major regions around the world. One of the most critical issues in contemporary international security, it is examined in this book by … Deadly internal conflicts threaten dozens of countries and major regions around the world. One of the most critical issues in contemporary international security, it is examined in this book by twenty experts of the Project on Internal Conflict at Harvard University's Center for Science and International Affairs.The first part of the book examines the sources of internal conflicts and the ways these may spill over or draw in neighboring states and the international community. Region by region, the book discusses the former Yugoslavia and the Balkans, East-central Europe, Russia and the former Soviet Union, South Asia, Southeast Asia, the Middle East and North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, and Central and South America.The second part examines specific problems, policy instruments, and key actors including: the control of aggressive nationalism, the prevention of secessionist violence, and the resolution of civil wars; the roles of the media and nongovernmental organizations; arms limitations and economic sanctions; military challenges; the policies of the United States and the United Nations; and the prospects for collective action. The book recommends specific approaches to help prevent and moderate internal conflict and to limit its spread when it arises.Contributors : Rachel Bronson. Mark Chernick. Ivo Daalder. Matthew Evangelista. Richard Falkenrath. Trevor Findlay. Sumit Ganguly. Alicia Levine. Dan Lindley. John Matthews. Chantal de Jonge Oudraat. Elizabeth Rogers. Colin Scott. Joanna Spear. Stephen Stedman. Katherine Tucker. Milada Vachudova. Barbara Walter. Thomas Weiss.

Democracy as a contingent outcome of conflicts

1988-09-01

Adam Przeworski

Anyone who has lived through moments when a dictatorship was about to fall and democracy become a real possibility remembers almost constant tension, hopes that repeatedly alternated with fears, outbursts … Anyone who has lived through moments when a dictatorship was about to fall and democracy become a real possibility remembers almost constant tension, hopes that repeatedly alternated with fears, outbursts of enthusiasm and the pain of defeat. Every step seems difficult and yet nothing seems out of reach. But as one looks for the turning-points, a particular moment appears as a threshold, as a break. At one moment dictatorship has disappeared and has been replaced by democracy.

Constitutionalism and Secession

1991-01-01

Cass R. Sunstein

The Soviet Constitution guarantees a right to secede.'The American Constitution does not.Although some secessionists in the American South, invoking state sovereignty, claimed to find an implicit right to secede in … The Soviet Constitution guarantees a right to secede.'The American Constitution does not.Although some secessionists in the American South, invoking state sovereignty, claimed to find an implicit right to secede in the founding document, it was more common to invoke an extratextual and nonjusticiable "right to secede" said to be enshrined in the Declaration of Independence.'In any case, no serious scholar or politician now argues that a right to secede exists under American constitutional law. 3 It is generally agreed that such a right would undermine the Madisonian spirit of the original document, one that encourages the development of constitutional provisions that prevent the defeat of the basic enterprise. 4 Eastern European countries are now deciding about the contents of proposed constitutions.They are often doing so in the context of profound cultural and ethnic divisions, both often defined at least roughly in territorial terms.These divisions have propelled t

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International Society and the De Facto State

2019-12-16

Scott Pegg

Introduction - setting the stage, the De facto state in the wider academic context, methodology, value biases and assumptions of the author, outline for the remainder of the study defining … Introduction - setting the stage, the De facto state in the wider academic context, methodology, value biases and assumptions of the author, outline for the remainder of the study defining the De Facto state Eritrea before independence and Tamil Eelam the Republic of Somalia and the Turkish Republic of northern Cyprus macro-level factors implicated in the birth of De Facto states micro-level factors implicated in the birth of De Facto states the De Facto state in international society potential transformations of the De Facto state the De Facto state and international theory conclusions - main objectives, key findings of this study, future prospects for these entities, what if anything, should be done about this phenomenon?

The Kosovo Report

2000-10-19

Independent International Commission on Kosovo

Abstract The Kosovo Report is a final product of the work by the Independent International Commission on Kosovo, established to examine key developments prior to, during, and after the Kosovo … Abstract The Kosovo Report is a final product of the work by the Independent International Commission on Kosovo, established to examine key developments prior to, during, and after the Kosovo war, including systematic violations of human rights in the region. The report assesses effectiveness of diplomatic efforts to prevent the war, legality of the NATO bombing campaign against Yugoslavia, and the progress of the United Nations in post‐conflict reconstruction. The Report makes a recommendation for the future status of Kosovo and proposes a new general framework for humanitarian intervention based on principles of legitimacy. It argues that the intervention by the international community in the Kosovo conflict did not so much create a precedent for intervention elsewhere as raise vital question about the legitimacy and practicability of the use of military force to defend human rights. The intervention, the Report concludes, exposed the limitations of the current international law on the balance between the rights of citizens and the rights of states; it demonstrated the difficulties that ensue when even the most sophisticated and professional military forces are deployed to achieve humanitarian goals; and it showed the immense obstacles that lie in the path of creating multi‐ethnic cooperation in societies torn apart by ethnic war.

Liberal Nationalism

1995-12-31

Yael Tamir

"This is a most timely, intelligent, well-written, and absorbing essay on a central and painful social and political problem of out time."--Sir Isaiah Berlin "The major achievement of this remarkable … "This is a most timely, intelligent, well-written, and absorbing essay on a central and painful social and political problem of out time."--Sir Isaiah Berlin "The major achievement of this remarkable book is a critical theory of nationalism, worked through historical and contemporary examples, explaining the value of national commitments and defining their moral limits. Tamir explores a set of problems that philosophers have been notably reluctant to take on, and leaves us all in her debt."--Michael Walzer In this provocative work, Yael Tamir urges liberals not to surrender the concept of nationalism to conservative, chauvinist, or racist ideologies. In her view, liberalism, with its respect for personal autonomy, reflection, and choice, and nationalism, with its emphasis on belonging, loyalty, and solidarity are not irreconcilable. Here she offers a new theory, "liberal nationalism," which allows each set of values to accommodate the other. Tamir sees nationalism as an affirmation of communal and cultural memberships and as a quest for recognition and self-respect. Persuasively she argues that national groups can enjoy these benefits through political arrangements other than the nation-state. While acknowledging that nationalism places members of national minorities at a disadvantage, the author offers guidelines for alleviating the problems involved using examples from currents conflicts in the Middle East and in Eastern Europe. Liberal Nationalism is an impressive attempt to tie together a wide range of issues often kept apart: personal autonomy, cultural membership, political obligations, particularity versus impartiality in moral duties, and global justice. Drawing on material from disparate fields--including political philosophy, ethics, law, and sociology--Tamir brings out important and previously unnoticed interconnections between them, offering a new perspective on the influence of nationalism on modern political philosophy.

The European rescue of the nation-state

2000-06-01

The International spread of ethnic conflict: fear, diffusion, and escalation

1998-11-01

David A. Lake , Donald Rothchild

The wave of ethnic conflict that has swept across parts of Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, and Africa has led to many political observers to fear that these conflicts … The wave of ethnic conflict that has swept across parts of Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, and Africa has led to many political observers to fear that these conflicts are contagious. Initial outbreaks in such places as Bosnia, Chechnya and Rwanda, if not contained, appear capable of setting off epidemics of catastrophic proportions. In this volume, the editors have organized an ambitious, sophisticated exploration of both the origins and spread of ethnic conflict. The editors and contributors argue that ethnic conflict is not caused directly by intergroup differences or centuries old feuds and that the collapse of the Soviet Union did not simply uncork ethnic passions long surpressed. They look instead at how anxieties over security, competition for resources, breakdown in communication with the government, and the inability to make enduring commitments lead ethnic groups into conflict, and they consider the strategic interactions that underlie ethnic conflict and its effective management. How, why and when do ethnic conflicts either diffuse by precipitating similar conflicts elsewhere or escalate by bringing in outside parties? How can such transnational ethnic conflicts

GEORGIA:

2025-06-25

| Yale University Press eBooks

Democratisation against all odds? Armenia in the shadow of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict

2025-06-25

Laure Delcour , Nariné Ghazaryan | Contemporary Politics

Navigating the storm: the impact of the Russia–Ukraine war on EU’s quest for strategic autonomy

2025-06-24

Sinem Ünaldilar , Betül Aydoğan Ünal , Senem Kumova Metın | European Security

Tehmine Martoyan, The Continuation Of Genocide Policy In Smyrna (1922), Yerevan, YSU Press, 2024, 303 pages

2025-06-24

Varuzhan Poghosyan | Journal of Armenian studies

FORMATION OF THE CONCEPT OF THE STATE

2025-06-24

| Anthem Press eBooks

Regional stability

2025-06-23

Ajay Kumar Patnaik | Central Asia

Strategic Resource Utilisation in De Facto States: Rojava’s Journey Towards Sovereignty

2025-06-20

Shwan Jamal Azeez | Ethnopolitics

CIA and State Department Rivalry: The Case of Iraqi Kurdistan

2025-06-20

Farhang Faraydoon Mohammed Salih | International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence

NATIONAL LEADER HEYDAR ALIYEV TURNED THE AZERBAIJANI PEOPLE’S DREAM OF SOVEREIGNTY INTO A HISTORICAL REALITY

2025-06-20

İnarə Cəfərova | Elmi əsərlər.

The article is dedicated to the preparation of the Fundamental Law, one of the most important events in the history of our state's independence, as a result of the hard … The article is dedicated to the preparation of the Fundamental Law, one of the most important events in the history of our state's independence, as a result of the hard work of the Great Leader Heydar Aliyev, the achievement of serious achievements in the field of the legal system, human rights protection and modernization of public administration in Azerbaijan, and the implementation of consistent reforms under the leadership of President Ilham Aliyev to continue these achievements and deepen constitutional principles.

ІМІДЖ БРИТАНСЬКОЇ МОНАРХІЇ В КІНЦІ ХХ – НА ПОЧАТКУ ХХІ СТ.

2025-06-20

N. Pipchenko , Марія Якущенко | Міжнародні відносини суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії

This article is devoted to examining the image of the British monarchy amidst changes in the domestic and international environment at the end of the 20th and beginning of the … This article is devoted to examining the image of the British monarchy amidst changes in the domestic and international environment at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st century. The growing attention drives the relevance of this topic to monarchical institutions in contemporary democratic societies and their role as foreign policy actors. The study’s purpose is to analyse the influence of the British monarchy on the political system, the sociocultural environment of the United Kingdom, and international relations. To achieve these objectives, methods of analysis and synthesis of documentary and sta- tistical sources were used, as well as content analysis of media materials cov- ering the activities of British monarchs during this period. Additionally, the research relies on a comparative method, identifying specific features of the British monarchy compared to other European monarchies. The study revealed that the British monarchy plays a significant role in the British constitutional system, remaining a symbol of unity and legitimacy for the state. During the examined period, the monarchy adapted its domestic political functions to meet contemporary demands, maintaining public support and positively impacting national identity. In the system of international relations, the British monarchy acts as a form of soft power, enhancing the United Kingdom’s diplomatic ties. The research confirms that the British monarchy remains an influential institution capable of adapting to changing political and social conditions. Its image as a symbol of stability and tradition helps the United Kingdom strengthen its position on the international stage and maintain internal stability, contributing to further integrating the monarchy into the country’s political system.

Pave Frans og krigen i Ukraina

2025-06-19

Ole Jakob Løland | Kirke og Kultur

Minorities, Scarcity and Conflict

2025-06-19

Antonio Montañés Jiménez , Camila Ferreira Marinelli , Stavroula Pipyrou | Routledge eBooks

Positive and negative sides of advantaged group allyship: an overview of existing theoretical approaches, antecedents and consequences

2025-06-19

Maja Kutlaca , Helena R. M. Radke | Edward Elgar Publishing eBooks

Russia's Restrained Gray Zone Coercion in the Donbas

2025-06-17

Dani Belo | Routledge eBooks

Geopolitical reconfiguration

2025-06-17

Carl Rihan | Manchester University Press eBooks

Democracy in danger: from fake news to abuse of political power

2025-06-17

Reginaldo Gonçalves Gomes | Prisma Juridico

This article aims to demonstrate the need to strengthen democratic institutions and empower citizens to prevent the far right from co-opting and destabilizing society, bringing about social chaos and promoting … This article aims to demonstrate the need to strengthen democratic institutions and empower citizens to prevent the far right from co-opting and destabilizing society, bringing about social chaos and promoting conformity to the actions and ideas of a single leader. The hypothetical-deductive method is used in this research. The following themes are addressed: democracy, politics, electoral justice, electronic voting, the role of the far right, and digital militias. Possible conclusions include: Maintaining democracy in Brazil requires a strong and efficient electoral justice system to prevent candidates from leveraging political power to secure re-election or appoint their successors. The State must rigorously combat digital militias and enact specific laws to criminalize their activities, as well as individual actions that use social media to spread terror in society. There must be greater regulation of social media to prevent its misuse in committing crimes against individuals, vulnerable people, and minority groups in society.

CONFLICT-DRIVEN MOBILIZATION IN PROTRACTED CONFLICT: A MULTI-LEVEL CONCEPTUAL SYNTHESIS FROM THE KARABAKH CASE

2025-06-16

Hayk Smbatyan | Journal of Sociology Bulletin of Yerevan University

This synthesis article examines conflict-driven mobilization in the protracted Nagorno-Karabakh conflict by integrating findings from five distinct papers. Framed by a multi-level analytical perspective, the paper investigates how micro-level emotional … This synthesis article examines conflict-driven mobilization in the protracted Nagorno-Karabakh conflict by integrating findings from five distinct papers. Framed by a multi-level analytical perspective, the paper investigates how micro-level emotional and moral motivations, meso-level group identity and collective dynamics, and macro-level structural inequalities and historical legacies converge to drive conflict-driven mobilization. Drawing upon a qualitative research design that combines document analysis, process tracing, semi-structured interviews, and participatory methodologies, the synthesis addresses the central question: How do interdependent emotional, collective, and structural factors fuel mobilization in protracted conflicts? Looking into evidence from the historical evolution of civic movements to their transformation into armed struggles, the paper reveals that mobilization is not solely a rational, calculated act but is deeply rooted in personal and collective grievances. Furthermore, the integration of participatory approaches underscores the value of context-sensitive research in capturing the lived experiences of conflict-affected communities. Ultimately, the proposed multi-level theory advances existing conceptual frameworks in the sociology of conflict mobilization and offers a heuristic tool for understanding similar dynamics in other protracted conflict zones.

The State Policy of University Autonomy in the Eastern Neighborhood of the European Union: The Cases of Georgia, Ukraine, and Moldova

2025-06-15

Melano Beridze | European Journal of Educational Management

This study comparatively examines state policies of university autonomy in the Eastern Neighborhood countries of the European Union, with a particular focus on Georgia, Ukraine, and Moldova. Guided by the … This study comparatively examines state policies of university autonomy in the Eastern Neighborhood countries of the European Union, with a particular focus on Georgia, Ukraine, and Moldova. Guided by the principles outlined in the 2007 Lisbon Declaration, the research investigates how university autonomy is shaped by state policies in these three countries. The study is grounded in the qualitative research design, drawing on document analysis, semi-structured interviews, and content analysis of legislative frameworks and higher education experts’ perspectives- including those of professors and administrative personnel. Five core features of university autonomy policies were identified: Legislative control over university autonomy, Political appointments to administrative positions, gaps between policymaking and implementation, the impact of funding on financial autonomy, and the existence of formal rather than substantive academic autonomy in relation to quality assurance standards. Two primary explanatory factors emerged: the scarcity of university resources and the persistence of centralized management practices. The study is framed through systems theory, drawing on the work of Alex Clark, Michael Hogg, and Ron Stewart in University Autonomy and Public Policy: A Systems Theory Perspective. From this perspective, universities, government bodies, and policymakers are understood as interdependent components of the broader systemic network, where actions taken by one entity influence the functioning of others. This research contributes to the limited academic literature on university autonomy in the EU’s Eastern Neighborhood by offering a cross-country comparison aligned with European higher education standards.

GOALS OF MAINTAINING PEACE AND REGIONAL SECURITY IN THE CAUCASUS IN FOREIGN POLICY OF AZERBAIJAN

2025-06-15

Irada Nurıyeva | Metafizika Journal

The article titled "Goals of maintaining peace and regional security in the Caucasus in foreign policy of Azerbaijan" construes determination of foreign policy based on national interests after reinstating the … The article titled "Goals of maintaining peace and regional security in the Caucasus in foreign policy of Azerbaijan" construes determination of foreign policy based on national interests after reinstating the independence of Azerbaijan in 1991, taking some measures related to elimination of political strain in order to implement this policy, implementation of the policy aiming at the coordination of national interests of the country with the interests of other countries in the region and states with special reputation in the Caucasus, strengthening of state independence and sovereignty of Azerbaijan after reinstating our territorial integrity as a result of the settlement of Nagorno- Karabakh problem after the victory at the Second Karabakh war during the period from 27.09.2020 to 10.11.2020, provision of regional security and stability of the South Caucasus and Caspian Sea, international and national security interests of the countries of the region, great role of the relations between Azerbaijan and Turkiye in establishing peace, stability and tranquility in the Caucasus and in all over the world.

Humanitarian, linguistic and narrative bordering in Georgia: migrations in the context of Russia’s war on Ukraine

2025-06-15

Gaëlle Le Pavic , Ekaterina Korableva | Eurasian Geography and Economics

Para-diplomacy and its Role in Enhancing the International Standing of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (An Aanalytical study within the framework of Iraq’s federal constitution and the regional and international environment)

2025-06-15

Najmuddin Muhyiddin Al-Rikani | Journal of Legal and Political Studies

This research addresses an important issue that began to emerge on the Iraqi political scene and in the field of academic research after 2003 and Iraq's adoption of the federal … This research addresses an important issue that began to emerge on the Iraqi political scene and in the field of academic research after 2003 and Iraq's adoption of the federal system in its 2005 constitution: the issue of Para-diplomacy practiced by the Kurdistan Region, as a federal region under this constitution. The research seeks to clarify the nature and content of this activity and its role in strengthening the region's position internally and externally in particular. The research also aims to deepen awareness of the importance of the federal system in Iraq and to achieve balance between the region and the center in foreign political affairs and in the Iraqi political equation towards preserving the region’s constitutional rights and enhancing its international standing. Hence lies one of the most important aspects of its importance. We believe that it will constitute an addition to studies and research that address this important issue, with the possibility of investing the outputs of this research in the political and academic fields. Keywords: Diplomacy... Para-diplomacy... The federal system... The Iraqi Constitution 2005... The Federal Kurdistan Region.

Azerbaycan'ın D-8 Ekonomik İşbirliği Teşkilatı'na Üyeliği: Süreç ve Etkiler

2025-06-15

Aytekin Zeynalova | Deleted Journal

19 Aralık 2024’te Mısır’ın Kahire şehrinde gerçekleştirilen D-8 Ekonomik İşbirliği Teşkilatı’nın 11. Zirvesi’nde Azerbaycan’ın oybirliğiyle üyeliğe kabul edilmesi, ülkenin uluslararası arenadaki diplomatik başarısını pekiştiren önemli bir gelişme olmuştur. Bu makalenin … 19 Aralık 2024’te Mısır’ın Kahire şehrinde gerçekleştirilen D-8 Ekonomik İşbirliği Teşkilatı’nın 11. Zirvesi’nde Azerbaycan’ın oybirliğiyle üyeliğe kabul edilmesi, ülkenin uluslararası arenadaki diplomatik başarısını pekiştiren önemli bir gelişme olmuştur. Bu makalenin amacı, Azerbaycan’ın D-8 üyeliğinin gelecekteki etkilerini ve bu üyeliğin Azerbaycan ile diğer üye ülkeler arasındaki ilişkilerde yaratacağı fırsatları incelemektir. Ayrıca, Azerbaycan’ın Türkiye ile olan stratejik ortaklık bağlarını daha da güçlendiren bu adımın, ülkeler arasındaki askeri, ekonomik, diplomatik ve kültürel entegrasyonu nasıl hızlandıracağına dair bir analiz sunulmaktadır. Araştırma, Azerbaycan’ın D-8 üyeliği ile küresel açılımlarını ve ekonomik kalkınmasını nasıl pekiştirdiğini, aynı zamanda bölgesel güvenlik ve işbirliği açısından taşıdığı önemi vurgulamaktadır. Bu çalışma, Azerbaycan-Türkiye ilişkilerinin "bir millet, iki devlet" ilkesine dayalı gelişimini ve D-8’in gelecekteki rolünü anlamak adına büyük bir öneme sahiptir. Ayrıca, Azerbaycan’ın D-8 ile olan üyeliği, bölgesel entegrasyon ve küresel işbirliği perspektifinden yeni fırsatlar yaratmaktadır. Bu kapsamda yapılan analiz, bölgesel güvenlik ve ekonomik kalkınma açısından D-8’in gelecekteki etkilerini net bir şekilde ortaya koymaktadır.

The Turkish Military Operation in Iraqi Kurdistan 4 March 1987 A Historical Study

2025-06-15

Piroz Abdullah Bashar , Hoger T. Tawfiq | Zanco Journal of Humanity Sciences

Turkish policy towards the Kurdish national movement in Iraqi Kurdistan is one of the key subjects of the Kurdish national liberation movement, As the Kurdish national liberation movement in Iraq … Turkish policy towards the Kurdish national movement in Iraqi Kurdistan is one of the key subjects of the Kurdish national liberation movement, As the Kurdish national liberation movement in Iraq has influence on the Kurdish movement in other Kurdistan parties. As a neighboring country Turkey paid a great attention to the Kurdish Movements, the main significance of this research is the assessment of the Turkish policy and strategy towards the Kurdish movement, this study concentrates on the reasons behind of declaring the military operations in the areas of Iraqi Kurdistan borders as well as its reflection. Also it makes compresence with the Turkish previously attitude, Hence Turkey paid a great attention to its economic interests in Iraqi Kurdistan upon this doctrine looked at the Kurdish movement in Iraq. Because of this Turkish and Iraq had moved to each other so closely, the Iranian wide activities with Kurds in Iraqi Kurdistan with the framework of Turkish policy is being depicted. This research answered these questions, did Turkish policy and its military operation influence on the Kurdish movement? Had from that influence interfered to the internal affairs? Did the results of that interreference make any change of Iraqi Kurdish movement with Turkey? What were the results of military operation in the Kurdish areas? What was the regional and international attitude to the Turkish military intervene? Henceforth, this subject is being chosen in order to depict the Kurdish condition and quantity influence of Turkish policy on them.

The Shapes of Neutrality. EU Enlargement, Engagement and Kosovo’s European Path

2025-06-13

Dren Doli , Zamira Xhaferri | European Journal of Risk Regulation

Abstract The article examines the European Union’s neutrality toward Kosovo’s statehood and its influence on the EU’s enlargement process and engagement strategy in view of internal divisions among the EU … Abstract The article examines the European Union’s neutrality toward Kosovo’s statehood and its influence on the EU’s enlargement process and engagement strategy in view of internal divisions among the EU Member States over Kosovo’s recognition. It assesses how the EU’s mantra of neutrality shapes the dimensions of EU actorness, balancing differences among EU Member States while ensuring Kosovo’s inclusion in the EU enlargement process. Next, the article explores how the EU engages with Kosovo despite the lack of unanimous recognition of Kosovo’s statehood from five EU Member States, arguing that neutrality unfolds both as a legitimising principle and an authorisation mechanism. Our hypothesis is that neutrality has enabled Kosovo’s incremental involvement in the enlargement process without undermining the EU’s internal cohesion. Drawing on three illustrative examples, notably, the EU Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo, the Stabilisation and Association Agreement and the CJEU’s interpretation of EU-Kosovo SAA Agreement, the article demonstrates the variations of the concept of neutrality and its impact in maintaining Kosovo’s attachment to enlargement policy. The findings suggest that neutrality has been instrumental in authorising the EU missions in Kosovo and in sustaining Kosovo’s European trajectory.

Patronage appointments in a hybrid regime: Moldova between partisanship, nepotism and merit

2025-06-12

Denitsa Marchevska | Edward Elgar Publishing eBooks

DIFFICULTIES OF THE FIRST STAGE OF STATE-BUILDING IN THE CZECH AND SLOVAK REPUBLICS: FROM THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE TO THE EU

2025-06-11

Andrii Khomych | Baltic Journal of Legal and Social Sciences

The countries of the socialist bloc, after the collapse of the latter, set a course for building their sovereign and democratic states. Such countries were the Czech and Slovak Republics, … The countries of the socialist bloc, after the collapse of the latter, set a course for building their sovereign and democratic states. Such countries were the Czech and Slovak Republics, especially new challenges arose after their separation from each other in the form of a «velvet divorce» in early 1993. A number of difficulties faced by the political elites of these two states lay primarily in the economic plane, which in turn led to socio-political and socio-economic transformations. Such changes required knowledge and experience among the political elite, because it was before it, as the main subject of state formation, that the difficulties of the transformation period arose, which it had to solve. During the study of this problem, comparative and system analyses were used. According to the results, it is worth noting that the difficulties in both countries were caused by both subjective and objective factors.

MOLDOVA ON THE EVE OF A DECISIVE CHOICE: PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS–2025

2025-06-11

Sergey Ya. Lavrenov | Post–Soviet Continent

The article examines the main trends of the internal political and economic situation in Moldova on the eve of the parliamentary elections, analyzes the political, legal and economic conditions in … The article examines the main trends of the internal political and economic situation in Moldova on the eve of the parliamentary elections, analyzes the political, legal and economic conditions in which the elections will be held, the role and place of European structures in supporting pro-European political forces, including non-governmental organizations. Romania’s role in the current events is also being considered, including in connection with the controversial situation that has developed in the country following the results of the twice-held presidential elections.

Armeniaʼs foreign policy: between diversification and dependence

2025-06-11

Zaruhi MARGARYAN | Foreign Trade Economics Finance Law

The structural and geopolitical barriers that limit Armeniaʼs ability to shift its foreign policy away from russia toward the European Union (EU) have been studied. The relevance of this study … The structural and geopolitical barriers that limit Armeniaʼs ability to shift its foreign policy away from russia toward the European Union (EU) have been studied. The relevance of this study lies in understanding why, despite recent interaction with the EU – particularly via the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) – Armenia remains strategically attached to russia. The hypothesis was tested that deep infrastructural dependence on this country, as well as institutional ties such as membership in the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), significantly hinder Armeniaʼs foreign policy autonomy. Qualitative analysis methods of specific cases were applied using dependency theory, based on institutional texts, trade and energy data, as well as geopolitical events from 1991 to 2023. The results of the study confirm that although EU – Armenia cooperation has deepened, particularly after the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, the EU engagement remains mainly symbolic and non-military. Western actors do not offer reliable alternative security guarantees. At the same time, russia retains the strong deterrent capabilities through economic pressure or political influence. It is concluded that Armeniaʼs foreign policy remains structurally constrained and that a real shift away from this country, even if politically desirable, is hindered by both external and internal obstacles.

Rasulain and the Arada Steppe During the Armenian Genocide, July 1915 – April 1916

2025-06-10

Hilmar Kaiser | International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies

In 1998, Raymond Kévorkian’s article “Le Sort des déportés dans les camps de concentration de Syrie et de Mésopotamie” put the so-called “destination areas” in the focus of research on … In 1998, Raymond Kévorkian’s article “Le Sort des déportés dans les camps de concentration de Syrie et de Mésopotamie” put the so-called “destination areas” in the focus of research on the Armenian Genocide. Officially, the Ottoman government intended settling Armenian deportees, primarily in Zor district. In reality, the deportees were starved to death, abandoned to the desert or massacred. On the basis of official Ottoman documentation and rare first-hand evidence from the Chechen community of Rasulain, this article shows that district governor Ali Suad Bey initiated some limited relief and settlement projects. The central authorities, however, undid these efforts. At the same time, local Chechens opposed the settlement of Armenians as it interfered with their economic interests. They drew on an impressive network of contacts, denouncing alleged Armenian revolutionaries. In the end, the Chechens played a key role in the massacre of the deportees.

Résonnances internationalistes de la lutte kurde

2025-06-05

Somayeh Rostampour | Multitudes

Trends in the appearance of party publications during the election season

2025-06-01

Mariana Toaca | Studia Universitatis Moldaviae Științe Economice și ale Comunicării

Election seasons are the periods of time when elections take place in a state or region. In the Republic of Moldova, as in other countries, election seasons vary depending on … Election seasons are the periods of time when elections take place in a state or region. In the Republic of Moldova, as in other countries, election seasons vary depending on the type of elections: presidential, parliamentary, local, etc. and the legislation of each country. Since Independence, we have observed a recurring phenomenon, a frequent practice, that manifests itself around local, parliamentary, and presidential elections: the emergence and then disappearance of political publications and temporary media platforms. During an election season, political activity intensifies, and the main characteristics are: the election campaign, political debates and opinion polls, the elections themselves, the post-election period. Election seasons are important because they influence not only political life, but also the economy and society. In this sense, the media has an enormous influence on the public.

Reconstructing Ukraine: How the EU and Ukraine Can Mutually Benefit

2025-04-01

Maksym Beznosiuk | European View