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Political and Social Dynamics in Chile and Latin America

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This cluster of papers explores the history, politics, and societal impact of Chile during the era of Augusto Pinochet's regime. It covers topics such as dictatorship, human rights violations, exile, political violence, and the influence of globalization on Chilean society. The papers also delve into the role of social movements and the collective memory of this tumultuous period in Chilean history.

Keywords

Pinochet; Chile; Dictatorship; Human Rights; Exile; Latin America; Social Movements; Political Violence; Globalization; Memory

El Manifiesto Comunista

1996-01-01

Karl Marx , Friedrich Engels

Chile actual: Anatomía de un mito

1999-01-01

Robert Neustadt , Tomás Moulián

In from the Cold

2008-01-01

Gilbert M. Joseph , Daniela Spenser , Emily S. Rosenberg

Over the last decade, studies of the Cold War have mushroomed globally. Unfortunately, work on Latin America has not been well represented in either theoretical or empirical discussions of the … Over the last decade, studies of the Cold War have mushroomed globally. Unfortunately, work on Latin America has not been well represented in either theoretical or empirical discussions of the broader conflict. With some notable exceptions, studies have proceeded in rather conventional channels, focusing on U.S. policy objectives and high-profile leaders (Fidel Castro) and events (the Cuban Missile Crisis) and drawing largely on U.S. government sources. Moreover, only rarely have U.S. foreign relations scholars engaged productively with Latin American historians who analyze how the international conflict transformed the region’s political, social, and cultural life. Representing a collaboration among eleven North American, Latin American, and European historians, anthropologists, and political scientists, this volume attempts to facilitate such a cross-fertilization. In the process, In From the Cold shifts the focus of attention away from the bipolar conflict, the preoccupation of much of the so-called new Cold War history, in order to showcase research, discussion, and an array of new archival and oral sources centering on the grassroots, where conflicts actually brewed. The collection’s contributors examine international and everyday contests over political power and cultural representation, focusing on communities and groups above and underground, on state houses and diplomatic board rooms manned by Latin American and international governing elites, on the relations among states regionally, and, less frequently, on the dynamics between the two great superpowers themselves. In addition to charting new directions for research on the Latin American Cold War, In From the Cold seeks to contribute more generally to an understanding of the conflict in the global south. Contributors . Ariel C. Armony, Steven J. Bachelor, Thomas S. Blanton, Seth Fein, Piero Gleijeses, Gilbert M. Joseph, Victoria Langland, Carlota McAllister, Stephen Pitti, Daniela Spenser, Eric Zolov

The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability

2017-10-02

Peter Kornbluh

The newly declassified documents that reveal the startling facts behind the US collusion with the notorious Chilean dictator. The newly declassified documents that reveal the startling facts behind the US collusion with the notorious Chilean dictator.

Victims of the Chilean Miracle

2004-01-01

Peter Winn

Chile was the first major Latin American nation to carry out a complete neo-liberal transformation. Its policies - encouraging foreign investment, privatizing public sector companies and services, lowering trade barriers, … Chile was the first major Latin American nation to carry out a complete neo-liberal transformation. Its policies - encouraging foreign investment, privatizing public sector companies and services, lowering trade barriers, reducing the size of the state, and embracing the market as a regulator of both the economy and society - produced an economic boom that some have hailed as a 'miracle' to be emulated by other Latin American countries. But how have Chile's millions of workers, whose hard labor and long hours have made the miracle possible, fared under this program?Through empirically grounded historical case studies, this volume examines the human underside of the Chilean economy over the past three decades, delineating the harsh inequities that persist in spite of growth, low inflation, and some decrease in poverty and unemployment. Implemented in the 1970s at the point of the bayonet and in the shadow of the torture chamber, the neoliberal policies of Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship reversed many of the gains in wages, benefits, and working conditions that Chile's workers had won during decades of struggle and triggered a severe economic crisis.Later refined and softened, Pinochet's neo-liberal model began, finally, to promote economic growth in the mid-1980s, and it was maintained by the center-left governments that followed the restoration of democracy in 1990. Yet, despite significant increases in worker productivity, real wages stagnated, the expected restoration of labor rights faltered, and gaps in income distribution continued to widen.To shed light on this history and these ongoing problems, the contributors look at industries long part of the Chilean economy - including textiles and copper - and industries that have expanded more recently - including fishing, forestry, and agriculture. They not only show how neoliberalism has affected Chile's labor force in general but also how it has damaged the environment and imposed special burdens on women. Painting a sobering picture of the two Chiles - one increasingly rich, the other still mired in poverty - these essays suggest that the Chilean miracle may not be as miraculous as it seems.

Remembering Pinochet’s Chile

2004-01-01

Steve J. Stern

During the two years just before the 1998 arrest in London of General Augusto Pinochet, the historian Steve J. Stern had been in Chile collecting oral histories of life under … During the two years just before the 1998 arrest in London of General Augusto Pinochet, the historian Steve J. Stern had been in Chile collecting oral histories of life under Pinochet as part of an investigation into the form and meaning of memories of state-sponsored atrocities. In this compelling work, Stern shares the recollections of individual Chileans and draws on their stories to provide a framework for understanding memory struggles in history.“A thoughtful, nuanced study of how Chileans remember the traumatic 1973 coup by Augusto Pinochet against Salvador Allende and the nearly two decades of military government that followed. . . . In light of the recent revelations of American human rights abuses of Iraqi prisoners, [Stern’s] insights into the legacies of torture and abuse in the Chilean prisons of the 1970s certainly have contemporary significance for any society that undergoes a national trauma.”—Publishers Weekly“This outstanding work of scholarship sets a benchmark in the history of state terror, trauma, and memory in Latin America.”—Thomas Miller Klubock, American Historical Review“This is a book of uncommon depth and introspection. . . . Steve J. Stern has not only advanced the memory of the horrors of the military dictatorship; he has assured the place of Pinochet’s legacy of atrocity in our collective conscience.”—Peter Kornbluh, author of The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability“Steve J. Stern’s book elegantly recounts the conflicted recent history of Chile. He has found a deft solution to the knotty problem of evenhandedness in representing points of view so divergent they defy even the most careful attempts to portray the facts of the Pinochet period. He weaves a tapestry of memory in which narratives of horror and rupture commingle with the sincere perceptions of Chileans who remember Pinochet’s rule as salvation. The facts are there, but more important is the understanding we gain by knowing how ordinary Chileans—Pinochet’s supporters and his victims—work through their unresolved past.”—John Dinges, author of The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents

Mestizaje upside-down: aesthetic politics in modern Bolivia

2004-12-01

Javier Sanjinés C.

Mestizaje - process of cultural, ethnic, and racial mixing of Spanish and indigenous peoples - has been central to the creation of modern national identity in Bolivia and much of … Mestizaje - process of cultural, ethnic, and racial mixing of Spanish and indigenous peoples - has been central to the creation of modern national identity in Bolivia and much of Latin America. Though it originally carried negative connotations, by the early twentieth century it had came to symbolize a national unity that transcended racial divides. Javier Sanjines C. contends that mestizaje, rather than a merging of equals, represents a fundamentally Western perspective that excludes indigenous ways of viewing the world. In this sophisticated study he reveals how modernity in Bolivia has depended on a perception, forged during the colonial era, that local cultures need to be uplifted. Sanjines traces the rise of mestizaje as a defining feature of Bolivian modernism through the political struggles and upheavals of the twentieth century. He then turns this concept upside-down by revealing how the dominant discussion of mestizaje has been resisted and transformed by indigenous thinkers and activists. Rather than focusing solely on political events, Sanjines grounds his argument in an examination of fiction, political essays, journalism, and visual art, offering a unique and masterful overview of Bolivian culture, identity, and politics.

Guatemala: memoria del silencio

1999-01-01

Ernest Cañada

Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America: A Comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes Since 1956.

1993-05-01

Brian Loveman , Timothy P. Wickham‐Crowley , Thomas Wright

In this comparative survey of guerrilla movements in Latin America, Timothy Wickham-Crowley explores the origins and outcomes of rural insurgencies in nearly a dozen cases since 1956. Focusing on the … In this comparative survey of guerrilla movements in Latin America, Timothy Wickham-Crowley explores the origins and outcomes of rural insurgencies in nearly a dozen cases since 1956. Focusing on the personal backgrounds of the guerrillas themselves and on national social conditions, the author explains why guerrillas emerged strongly in certain countries but not others. He considers, for example, under what circumstances guerrillas acquire military strength and why they do--or do not--secure substantial support from the peasantry in rural areas.In this comparative survey of guerrilla movements in Latin America, Timothy Wickham-Crowley explores the origins and outcomes of rural insurgencies in nearly a dozen cases since 1956. Focusing on the personal backgrounds of the guerrillas themselves and on national social conditions, the author explains why guerrillas emerged strongly in certain countries but not others. He considers, for example, under what circumstances guerrillas acquire military strength and why they do--or do not--secure substantial support from the peasantry in rural areas.

Utopia unarmed: the Latin American left after the Cold War

1994-03-01

Jorge G. Castañeda

Latin American Presidencies Interrupted

2004-10-01

Arturo Valenzuela

Latin American Presidencies Interrupted Arturo Valenzuela (bio) Abstract Over the last two decades, Latin America has seen thirteen presidents leave office prematurely: Raúl Alfonsín (Argentina); Jean-Bertrand Aristide (Haiti); Joaquín Balaguer … Latin American Presidencies Interrupted Arturo Valenzuela (bio) Abstract Over the last two decades, Latin America has seen thirteen presidents leave office prematurely: Raúl Alfonsín (Argentina); Jean-Bertrand Aristide (Haiti); Joaquín Balaguer (Dominican Republic); Abdalá Bucaram (Ecuador); Fernando Collor de Mello (Brazil); Raúl Cubas (Paraguay); Alberto Fujimori (Peru); Jamil Mahuad (Ecuador); Carlos Andrés Pérez (Venezuela); Fernando de la Rúa (Argentina); Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada (Bolivia); Jorge Serrano (Guatemala); and Hernán Siles Zuazo (Bolivia). This group has suffered the indignity of early removal through impeachment or forced resignation, sometimes under circumstances of instability that have threatened constitutional democracy itself—as in the case of military coups. While Latin Americans still broadly support democracy and prefer it to dictatorship, they are increasingly dissatisfied with the performance of their democratic governments. It is time to consider changing constitutional designs that promote conflict rather than more consensual ways of doing politics. Almost 25 years have passed since Latin America began what has turned out to be the fullest and most enduring experience it has ever had with constitutional democracy. While dictatorships were the norm in the 1960s and 1970s—only Colombia, Costa Rica, and Venezuela avoided authoritarian rule during those decades—today an elected government rules in every Latin American country except Cuba and Haiti. As David Scott Palmer notes, between 1930 and 1980, the 37 countries that make up Latin America underwent 277 changes of government, 104 of which (or 37.5 percent) took place via military coup. From 1980 to 1990, by contrast, only 7 of the 37 changes of government in the region took place through military interventions, just two of which can be fairly described as clearly antidemocratic in intent. The overall number of coups was the lowest for any single decade in Latin American history since independence in the early nineteenth century.1 The coups of the 1980s were confined to just four countries: Bolivia, Haiti, Guatemala, and Paraguay. Since 1990, only Haiti and Peru have seen elected constitutional governments successfully replaced by force. In 1989, Argentines witnessed their country's first transfer of power from one civilian chief executive to another in more than sixty years. In 2000, Mexico marked its emergence as a multiparty democracy after more than seven decades of one-party rule. Most Latin states have never had so many successive elected governments come to power without authoritarian reversals.2 Nonetheless, the euphoria that accompanied democracy's rise has begun to wane. Opinion polls show that Latin Americans still broadly [End Page 5] support democracy and prefer it to dictatorship by a better than four-to-one margin. Yet the same surveys reveal a growing dissatisfaction with democracy and a readiness to question the benefits and the performance of democratic governments.3 Particularly troubling is a continuing pattern of instability that affects governance at the highest levels. In country after country, presidents have seen their job-approval ratings plummet while those of legislators and party leaders have tumbled even more steeply. Many a president has left office trailing dashed hopes and enfeebled institutions, but at least has left according to schedule. Fourteen presidents, however, have not. This group has suffered the indignity of early removal through impeachment or forced resignation, sometimes under circumstances of instability that have threatened constitutional democracy itself. A fifteenth chief executive interrupted the constitutional order by closing the legislature. In the past, militaries were at the heart of the problem. Ambition-driven generals might topple an elected president or bar the implementation of policies that the soldiers and their allies did not like. New figures and forces might gain admission to the military-run "game" of politics if they took care not to advocate anything that sounded too radical or populist. Officers would arbitrate among factions and decide when to call for new elections to restore civilian rule, and coups in turn always enjoyed the complicity of civilian elites.4 After Fidel Castro seized power in Cuba and set up a revolutionary-communist regime on the island in 1959, polarization intensified throughout the region and military juntas increasingly began to leave behind political refereeing in favor of full-blown "bureaucratic-authoritarian" dictatorship.5...

Peasant and Nation: The Making of Postcolonial Mexico and Peru.

1996-08-01

Paul J. Vanderwood , Florencia E. Mallón

Peasant and Nation offers a major new statement on the making of national politics. Comparing the popular political cultures and discourses of postcolonial Mexico and Peru, Florencia Mallon provides a … Peasant and Nation offers a major new statement on the making of national politics. Comparing the popular political cultures and discourses of postcolonial Mexico and Peru, Florencia Mallon provides a groundbreaking analysis of their effect on the evolution of these nation states. As political history from a variety of subaltern perspectives, the book takes seriously the history of peasant thought and action and the complexity of community politics. It reveals the hierarchy and the heroism, the solidarity and the surveillance, the exploitation and the reciprocity, that coexist in popular political struggle. With this book Mallon not only forges a new path for Latin American history but challenges the very concept of nationalism. Placing it squarely within the struggles for power between colonized and colonizing peoples, she argues that nationalism must be seen not as an integrated ideology that puts the interest of the nation above all other loyalties, but as a project for collective identity over which many political groups and coalitions have struggled. Ambitious and bold, Peasant and Nation both draws on monumental archival research in two countries and enters into spirited dialogue with the literatures of post-colonial studies, gender studies, and peasant studies.

I… Rigoberta Menchu

1984-10-01

Rigoberta Menchú

An Indian woman in Guatemala has described the experience of her race; we print an extract from her book. I… Rigoberta Menchu is the testimony of a young Guatemalan Indian … An Indian woman in Guatemala has described the experience of her race; we print an extract from her book. I… Rigoberta Menchu is the testimony of a young Guatemalan Indian woman's struggle against the exploitation and repression of her race. It gives a picture of a whole way of life that has been silenced for centuries. Since the Spanish Conquest in the sixteenth century the Indian groups in Guatemala, who make up between 65% and 75% of the population, have not only been denied a share in power and in the decisions affecting their lives and future, but also seen their culture despised when it was not openly attacked, and had the language of their conquerors imposed on their 22 native languages. As a result, the Indians have been forced into the remote corners of the country; but they have also sought to protect the secrets of their traditions and customs from the outside world. In her book, Rigoberta accepts the challenge of informing the outside world, confident that the Indian culture is both valuable and strong. In 1984, the approximately four million descendants of the Mayan Indians are still facing the systematic destruction of their communities. Over the past five years, more than 300 villages have been destroyed, and as many as 15,000 Indians killed in massacres carried out by the army in the name of an anti-guerrilla war. In the mid-seventies, mineral and oil deposits were found in the northern highlands of Guatemala, where the Indians had previously been protected by the fact that the lands were regarded as unproductive. Now it is being hailed as the ‘new frontier’, the key to Guatemala's economic future. Successive military regimes have imposed colonisation schemes to drive the Indians off the land. Where they have resisted, open terror has been used against them. Such unrelenting pressure on Indian lands is one of the factors that has led many Indians to begin in recent years to sympathise with Guatemala's armed opposition groups. Another may be the realisation, by 1980, that peaceful forms of protest against landowners and exploitation did not work. In May 1978, a peaceful demonstration by Kekchi Indians in Panzós, Alta Verapaz, was fired on by soldiers with a toll of 100 dead. This, and the Spanish Embassy massacre of 31 January 1980, when 39 people including Rigoberta's father and 22 other Indians were killed by security forces during a peaceful occupation of the building, seems to have been a turning point for Indian involvement in active opposition to the military government, adding a new political consciousness to the desire for survival. The military response has been escalating repression, seemingly deciding that ‘by definition, all Indians are guerrillas and must be killed’ (“Survival International, Witness to Genocide, 1983 p 13). Rigoberta's book gives a first-hand account of these atrocities, in which she has lost her mother, father, and one of her brothers. It also traces her growing realisation that the Indians' linguistic isolation and lack of familiarity with the practices of the dominant ladino (mixed race) culture in Guatemala compound her people's humiliation. Time and again she witnesses the impotence brought on by their inability to communicate in this oppressive world: ladino lawyers and interpreters pretend to help the Indians in the law courts but really deceive them, the Land Transformation Institute tricks them into signing papers they don't understand which leads them to forfeit their lands to the big landowners. They are tricked out of money in the markets, bullied in domestic service in the towns, exploited in near slave conditions on the sugar, coffee and cotton plantations of the coast. Rigoberta's anger is fuelled by her growing awareness of the precarious nature of the Indians' lives. If they do not die from malnutrition as children, they die as young adults from overwork and disease, or suffer harassment, torture and death at the hands of the enemy. Rigoberta takes a decisive step when she decides she must learn Spanish: ‘They've always said: poor Indians, they can't speak, so we must speak for them. I told myself, I must learn to speak Spanish so that we don't need intermediaries.’ Her intention is not to assimilate the ladino culture but to fight it. She is not advocating a racial struggle but recognition for her people and their basic rights: enough land to grow food on, the acceptance of their culture as different and valid, and the freedom to promote literacy and the oral traditions of Guatemala not only in Spanish but also in Quiché, Cakchiquel. Mam and any other of the 22 native languages.

Right-Wing Women in Chile: Feminine Power and the Struggle against Allende, 1964–1973

2003-11-01

Sandra McGee Deutsch

Women’s critical role in the 1973 ousting of Salvador Allende has long been recognized, but their actions, motivations for participation, and foreign ties remained obscure. Many believed that only privileged … Women’s critical role in the 1973 ousting of Salvador Allende has long been recognized, but their actions, motivations for participation, and foreign ties remained obscure. Many believed that only privileged women, manipulated by rightist men, mobilized against Allende’s government, but Margaret Power’s examination of the gendered aspects of rightist political participation and electoral campaigns answers these questions and dispels the myths.In the nineteenth century, women pressed for suffrage in order to protect the church against liberal anticlericalism. Once women attained the right to vote, they were mobilized by rightists attempting to attract a popular base. The 1964 electoral alliance between the rightist Partido Nacional (PN) and the centrist Christian Democrats (PDC) used the “Scare Campaign”—convincing women that a leftist victory would mean destruction of the family—to help defeat Allende. The PN used this strategy again in 1970, but Allende won the three-way race. Power demonstrates that the United States covertly supported the “Scare Campaign” and Chilean rightist women. The United States had already encouraged both Operation Peter Pan, which sent the children of anti-Castro Cubans to the United States, and the women’s mobilization against Brazilian president João Goulart. These campaigns’ tactics and rhetoric about gender and the family heralded those of Chilean activists.PN women were among the first to denounce Allende’s triumph. They joined with women of the PDC and other opposition groups to organize the famous March of the Empty Pots and Pans to protest Fidel Castro’s visit in December 1971. In early 1972 they created Poder Femenino (PF), which demonstrated and petitioned against the government, aided the striking copper miners of El Teniente, and helped meld the anti-Allende forces agitating in favor of a military coup. Observers have assumed that PF members spurred military officers into action by questioning their manhood, but Power suggests that their actions may have been part of an opposition plan to legitimize a golpe that was in the works. In fact, PF had already weakened Chilean democracy by denigrating politics and exalting its “apolitical” role. The military regime it helped bring to power disbanded PF because it had accomplished its mission and represented an autonomy that the generals did not want women to exercise.PF insisted that women could “transcend class” (p. 172) to unite the nation. Indeed, it recruited some lower-class women, partly through the Centros de Madres established in impoverished communities by the Frei administration. Many poor women agreed that Unidad Popular policies kept them from feeding their families and joined the anti-Allende cause. Yet upper-class prerogatives and assumptions infused PF: its affluent members equated the national interest with their class interests, and they relied on their telephones, servants, cars, and access to money and powerful men to push forward their agenda. The gold pots-and-pans pins of elite anti-Allende activists distinguished them from the less-privileged women who wore copper pins. It is telling that wealthy PF members could supply Power with names of their upper- and middle-class colleagues but could not recall the names of working-class ones.PF shared many characteristics with rightist women in other Latin American countries and time periods. Most such groups have presented themselves as apolitical mothers motivated by the desire to protect their families against leftist assault. They defended existing gender roles, although their activities may have subtly challenged them. Leftists have claimed that rightist men manipulate their female allies, ignoring the possibilities of women’s agency and the genuine appeal of right-wing platforms. Some rightist movements have recruited women to help them attract a multiclass following. Rightist women have also cited Catholicism as a motive, yet religion did not influence PF to the same degree as the rosary-carrying Brazilian women who marched against Goulart. Furthermore, PF seemed more combative and tolerant of violence and torture than rightist women in other contexts, except for Somocista and Contra women in Nicaragua. Future research is needed to explain these differences and pinpoint other variations between rightist women’s movements in the region.Scholars will appreciate this study’s rich detail, extensive documentation, and careful examination of diverging interpretations and the pitfalls of memory. The discussion of background issues, portraits of activists, and anecdotes gleaned from interviews make the book accessible to students. Both audiences will appreciate Power’s insights into women’s history and Chilean politics in a crucial period.

Deepening democracy?: the modern Left and social movements in Chile and Peru

1999-10-01

Kenneth M. Roberts

Contents 1. Part I 2. 3. Part II 4. 5. 6. Part III 7. 8. 9. Contents 1. Part I 2. 3. Part II 4. 5. 6. Part III 7. 8. 9.

The Cartesian Masculinization of Thought

1986-04-01

Susan Bordo

Technocrats and Politics in Chile: from the Chicago Boys to the CIEPLAN Monks

1991-05-01

Patricio Silva

During the last 25 years Chilean society has experienced profound socioeconomic, political and even cultural changes. From 1964 to 1970 there was a ‘revolution in liberty’ under Eduardo Frei, from … During the last 25 years Chilean society has experienced profound socioeconomic, political and even cultural changes. From 1964 to 1970 there was a ‘revolution in liberty’ under Eduardo Frei, from 1970 a ‘Chilean road to socialism’ under Salvador Allende, and from 1973 to 1989 a ‘silent revolution’ under Augusto Pinochet.

Blood and Debt: War and the Nation-State in Latin America

2003-09-01

Walter L. Goldfrank , Miguel Ángel Centeno

The Guatemalan Military Project: A Violence Called Democracy

2000-05-01

Linda Green

The Guatemalan Military Project. Violence Called Democracy. Jennifer Schirmer. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998. xvii. 345 pp., maps, charts, appendixes, bibliography, index. The Guatemalan Military Project. Violence Called Democracy. Jennifer Schirmer. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998. xvii. 345 pp., maps, charts, appendixes, bibliography, index.

Struggle in the Countryside: Politics and Rural Labor in Chile, 1919-1973.

1977-05-01

Arnold J. Bauer , Brian Loveman

The CIA in Guatemala: The Foreign Policy of Intervention

1983-06-01

Robert Freeman Smith , Richard H. Immerman

* Preface *1. Truman, Eisenhower, and the Cold War in Latin America *2. Underdevelopment, Repression, and Revolution *3. The Revolutionary Governments: Communism or Nationalism? *4. The View from the North … * Preface *1. Truman, Eisenhower, and the Cold War in Latin America *2. Underdevelopment, Repression, and Revolution *3. The Revolutionary Governments: Communism or Nationalism? *4. The View from the North * S. From Truman to Eisenhower: The Road to Intervention *6. Project PBSUCCESS: The Preparation *7. Project PBSUCCESS: The Coup *8. Project PBSUCCESS: The Legacy * Notes * Bibliography * Index

The Political Recrafting of Social Bases of Party Competition: Chile, 1973–95

2002-12-09

Mariano Torcal , Scott Mainwaring

This article examines social cleavages and the impact of political legacies on Chile's post-authoritarian party system. In contrast to society-oriented approaches to party system formation, we argue that cleavage appearance … This article examines social cleavages and the impact of political legacies on Chile's post-authoritarian party system. In contrast to society-oriented approaches to party system formation, we argue that cleavage appearance in a party system depends on political agency, which can even (re)create social identities and social conflicts. The Chilean case illustrates this point; the structure of the party system is deeply influenced by distinctive political legacies of the authoritarian period. The cleavage between those who supported authoritarian rule and those who opposed it has powerfully shaped the party system during the new democratic period.In post-authoritarian Chile (1990–2001), a societal approach does not adequately explain the formation of cleavages or the contours of the party system. A class cleavage has appeared between the governing coalition and the conservative opposition, but this cleavage is politically constructed and maintained. The Chilean case also shows that it is important to examine the ways in which political elites craft party systems from above during the transition period. Political agency from the supply side played a decisive role in emphasizing or diminishing some of the political and cultural conflicts existing after the authoritarian experience and, therefore, an essential role in party system formation in post-authoritarian Chile.

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The armed forces and democracy in Latin America

1999-09-01

The political role of the military is one of the most important questions facing Latin American societies wishing to consolidate new democracies. Despite the return to elected civilian governments, undemocratic … The political role of the military is one of the most important questions facing Latin American societies wishing to consolidate new democracies. Despite the return to elected civilian governments, undemocratic patterns of civil-military relations persist in much of the region. In this text, the author analyzes the contrasting patterns of military power in post-transition regimes. Drawing on a range of sources he shows how learning from the past, the domestic environment and the international context affect military beliefs about their role in politics. His analysis includes policy recommendations for US and Latin American leaders trying to promote democratic civilian-military relations. The book tackles the subject of the military and politics in Latin America from a broad historical perspective, drawing on literature in the field and other information based on personal interviews with officers.

Shining and Other Paths

1998-01-01

About the Series ix Preface and Acknowledgments xi Introduction. Beyond Enigma: An Agenda for Interpreting Path and Peru, 1980-1995 / Steve J. Stern 1 Part I. Within and Against History: … About the Series ix Preface and Acknowledgments xi Introduction. Beyond Enigma: An Agenda for Interpreting Path and Peru, 1980-1995 / Steve J. Stern 1 Part I. Within and Against History: Conceptualizing Roots 1. From Race to Class: Insurgent Intellectuals de provincia in Peru, 1910-1970 / Marisol de la Cadena 22 2. On Poor Relations and the Nouveau Riche: Path and the Radical Peruvian Left / Ivan Hinojosa 60 3. Chronicle of a Path Foretold? Velasco's Revolution, Vanguardia Revolucionaria, and Shining Omens in the Indigenous Communities of Andahuaylas / Florencia E. Mallon 84 Part II. Conquest that Failed: War for the Center-South Introduction to Part II 121 4. Harvesting Storms: Peasant Rondas and the Defeat of Sendero Luminoso in Ayacucho / Carlos Ivan Degregori 128 5. Family, Culture, and Revolution: Everyday Life with Sendero Luminoso / Ponciano del Pino H. 158 6. War of the Central Sierra / Nelson Manrique 192 7. Villagers at Arms: War and Counterrevolution in the Central-South Andes / Orin Starn 224 Part III. Obliterating Paths: Battles of Lima and Puno Introduction to Part III 261 8. Path and the Decisive Battle in Lima's Barriadas: Case of Villa El Salvador / Jo-Marie Burt 267 9. Apogee and Crisis of a Third Path: Mariateguismo, People's and Counterinsurgency in Puno, 1987-1994 / Jose Luis Renique 307 Part IV. Women as Citizen-Subjects: Exploring the Gendered War Introduction to Part IV 341 10. Women in War: Impact and Responses / Isabel Coral Cordero 345 Part V. Political Rule, Political Culture: Ironic Legacies of War Introduction to Part V 377 11. Civil-Military Relations in Peru, 1980-1996: How to Control and Coopt the Military (and the consequences of doing so) / Enrique Obando 385 12. Alberto Fujimori: The Man Peru Needed? / Patricia Oliart 411 13. Sendero Luminoso and Human Rights: A Perverse Logic that Captured the Country / Carlos Basombrio Iglesias 425 14. Human Rights and Social Referents: Construction of New Sensibilities / Hortensia Munoz 447 Conclusion. and Other Paths: Origins, Dynamics, and Legacies of War, 1980-1995 / Steve J. Stern 470 Abbreviations and Organizations 477 Bibliography 481 Index 511 Contributors 533

The president and congress in postauthoritarian Chile: institutional constraints to democratic consolidation

2000-12-01

Teetering on the Rim: Global Restructuring, Daily Life, and the Armed Retreat of the Bolivian State

2001-09-01

William C. Schaniel , Teresa D. Orr

Shattered hope: the Guatemalan revolution and the United States, 1944–1954

1992-04-01

Peter Calvert

Journal Article Shattered hope: the Guatemalan revolution and the United States, 1944–1954 Get access Shattered hope: the Guatemalan revolution and the United States, 1944–1954. By Piero Gleijeses. Princeton, NJ: Princeton … Journal Article Shattered hope: the Guatemalan revolution and the United States, 1944–1954 Get access Shattered hope: the Guatemalan revolution and the United States, 1944–1954. By Piero Gleijeses. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 1991. 430pp. Index. $29.95. ISBN 0 691 07817 3. Peter Calvert Peter Calvert 1University of Southampton Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 68, Issue 2, April 1992, Page 394, https://doi.org/10.2307/2623335 Published: 01 April 1992

Pinochet's Economists: The Chicago School in Chile

1996-01-01

Kenneth Maxwell , Juan Gabriel Valdés

Preface and acknowledgements Introduction 1. Authoritarians Without a Project 2. Ideological Transfer 3. The Chicago School of Economics 4. The Actors of ideological Transfer 5. The Contracts between ICA, Chicago … Preface and acknowledgements Introduction 1. Authoritarians Without a Project 2. Ideological Transfer 3. The Chicago School of Economics 4. The Actors of ideological Transfer 5. The Contracts between ICA, Chicago and the Universidad Catolica 6. The Chile Project and the Birth of the Chicago Boys 7. The Implantation of the Chicago School in Chile 8. The Export of the Chicago Tradition 9. In Search of Politics 10 The Elusive Hegemony 11. Under the Unidad Popular Conclusions.

Rebellion in the Veins: Political Struggle in Bolivia, 1952-1982

1984-01-01

Robert D. Crassweller , James Dunkerley

Blood and Debt: War and the Nation-State in Latin America

2002-01-01

Kenneth Maxwell , Miguel Ángel Centeno

No water in the oasis: the Chilean Spring of 2019–2020

2020-02-11

Nicolás M. Somma , Matías Bargsted , Rodolfo Disi Pavlic +1 more

We analyse the Chilean Spring of 2019-2020 – the fiercest social outburst in Chile during the last three decades. After discussing the combined role of long-standing grievances, political attitudes, and … We analyse the Chilean Spring of 2019-2020 – the fiercest social outburst in Chile during the last three decades. After discussing the combined role of long-standing grievances, political attitudes, and cultural change in triggering the outburst, we study the interplay among peaceful and violent protests and criminal activity. We argue that brutal police repression and governmental mismanagement contributed to deepening the crisis once it exploded. We conclude by describing the attempts of the political class to cope with the crisis and speculate about its potential political consequences, especially for the Chilean party system.

Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America

1992-12-31

Timothy P. Wickham‐Crowley

Latin America's Cold War

2011-04-01

The Guatemalan Military Project: A Violence Called Democracy

2017-10-02

Roberto García Ferreira

Reckoning with Pinochet

2010-01-01

Steve J. Stern

Class Conflict and Economic Development in Chile, 1958-1973

1978-06-01

Bárbara Stallings

This account of the interplay of politics and economics in Chile in three successive administrations ending with the 1973 coup suggests that social class plays a major role in determining … This account of the interplay of politics and economics in Chile in three successive administrations ending with the 1973 coup suggests that social class plays a major role in determining the outcome of economic policies in Latin America. As the author demonstrates, the nature of the class alliance that controls the state apparatus in Chile, together with the actions of foreign capital, determines not only the type of economic policies followed, but their outcomes as well. A comparison of the three regimes of Jorge Alessandri (1958–64), Eduardo Frei (1964–70), and Salvador Allende (1970–73) is especially important because they represent the main approaches to economic development available to all Third World countries today. The three regimes are compared in terms of policies on property relations, government expenditure, credit, investment, wages, prices, employment, and foreign investment. The outcomes are analyzed through data on economic growth and income distribution. In a concluding chapter, the author comments on the meaning of the Chilean experience for other countries.

Rethinking Military Politics: Brazil and the Southern Cone

1988-01-01

Eduardo A. Gamarra , Alfred Stepan

The last four years have seen a remarkable resurgence of democracy in the Southern Cone of the Americas. Military regimes have been replaced in Argentina (1983), Uruguay (1985), and Brazil … The last four years have seen a remarkable resurgence of democracy in the Southern Cone of the Americas. Military regimes have been replaced in Argentina (1983), Uruguay (1985), and Brazil (1985). Despite great interest in these new democracies, the role of the military in the process of transition has been under-theorized and under-researched. Alfred Stepan, one of the best-known analysts of the military in politics, examines some of the reasons for this neglect and takes a new look at themes raised in his earlier work on the state, the breakdown of democracy, and the military. The reader of this book will gain a fresh understanding of new democracies and democratic movements throughout the world and their attempts to understand and control the military. An earlier version of this book has been a controversial best seller in Brazil. To examine the Brazilian case, the author uses a variety of new archival material and interviews, with comparative data from Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, and Spain. Brazilian military leaders had consolidated their hold on governmental power by strengthening the military-crafted intelligence services, but they eventually found these same intelligence systems to be a formidable threat. Professor Stepan explains how redemocratization occurred as the military reached into the civil sector for allies in its struggle against the growing influence of the intelligence community. He also explores dissension within the military and the continuing conflicts between the military and the civilian government.

Chile: the great transformation

1997-03-01

Alvaro Diaz , Javier Martı́nez

Chile is frequently cited as a remarkable of neoliberal economic restructuring. In fact, countries around world are encouraged to follow Chilean model so that they can reap extraordinary benefits of … Chile is frequently cited as a remarkable of neoliberal economic restructuring. In fact, countries around world are encouraged to follow Chilean model so that they can reap extraordinary benefits of rapid growth and expanding export markets associated with drastic economic reform in Chile. But Chilean experience is extremely complicated and contradictory.The international discussion on economic restructuring in Latin America often runs on two tracks: one dominated by consultants and scholars from English-speaking world and another in which Latin Americans talk to each other. This book attempts to bridge gap.Two outstanding Chilean scholars and activists present an original interpretation of Chilean experience. They cut through rhetoric surrounding the Chilean miracle and provide an integrated analysis of process of socioeconomic and political change that transformed their country between 1970 and 1990. In so doing, they discover not only a neoliberal revolution, but a capitalist revolution with roots far deeper than Pinochet reforms.The book provides a valuable resource for people around world who hope to understand principal success story of Latin American adjustment. Copublished with United Nations Research Institute for Social Development.

Predatory states: Operation Condor and covert war in Latin America

2006-03-01

J. Patrice McSherry

Chapter 1 What Was Operation Condor? Chapter 2 Cold War Security Coordination: The Global Context Chapter 3 Operation Condor's Structures and Functioning: The Parallel State in Operation Chapter 4 Condor's … Chapter 1 What Was Operation Condor? Chapter 2 Cold War Security Coordination: The Global Context Chapter 3 Operation Condor's Structures and Functioning: The Parallel State in Operation Chapter 4 Condor's Killing Machine: Phase II Transnational Operations Chapter 5 Phase III: Condor's Assassination Capability Chapter 6 Commanders and Operatives of Condor Chapter 7 The Central American Connection Chapter 8 Conclusions

El modelo chileno : democracia y desarrollo en los noventa

1999-01-01

Paul W. Drake , Iván Jaksić

The Guatemalan Military Project

1999-12-31

Jennifer Schirmer

Successfully combining military, political, and cultural analysis with a serious treatment of legal and human rights considerations, this book will appeal to anyone interested in the conversion from war to … Successfully combining military, political, and cultural analysis with a serious treatment of legal and human rights considerations, this book will appeal to anyone interested in the conversion from war to peace in Latin America and around the world.

Sarmiento, Ignacio. Specters of War: The Battle of Mourning in Postconflict Central America. Austin: University of Arizona Press, 2025.

2025-06-25

Alé Kane | TRANSMODERNITY Journal of Peripheral Cultural Production of the Luso-Hispanic World

Niñeces en Chile: (des) protección y paradojas del modelo de rendición de cuentas

2025-06-23

Diego Guerrero Soto , Andrés Gutiérrez Vásquez | Revista Internacional de Educación y Análisis Social Crítico Mañé Ferrer & Swartz

La Convención sobre los Derechos del Niño (CDN), adoptada en 1989, marcó un hito en la manera en que los Estados diseñan políticas públicas orientadas a garantizar la protección de … La Convención sobre los Derechos del Niño (CDN), adoptada en 1989, marcó un hito en la manera en que los Estados diseñan políticas públicas orientadas a garantizar la protección de la infancia. Asimismo, abrió nuevas y enriquecedoras discusiones en el ámbito de las Ciencias Sociales. No obstante, la implementación de esta norma internacional no ha estado exenta de la influencia del modelo económico neoliberal, el cual ha condicionado el diseño, la ejecución y la evaluación de dichas políticas. En este trabajo proponemos una reflexión crítica sobre las tensiones y paradojas que surgen entre los mandatos de la CDN y la realidad actual de las infancias en Chile. Para ello, nos enfocamos en tres dimensiones clave: en primer lugar, examinamos las categorías teóricas construidas en torno a la infancia; en segundo lugar, analizamos la paradoja de la protección de derechos a partir de diversos informes recientes; y, finalmente, abordamos la relación entre la CDN y la implementación de políticas públicas marcadas por una fuerte orientación hacia el modelo de rendición de cuentas. Este análisis se basa en una revisión crítica y reflexiva de distintas fuentes teóricas y técnicas producidas en el contexto chileno durante el último período. Algunos de los hallazgos evidencian un deterioro creciente en indicadores vinculados a la violencia y al sistema de cuidado bajo protección estatal, lo cual contrasta de manera significativa con los principios rectores de la Convención.

Designing freedom: Allende, Pinochet and the twin experiments in cyber-socialism and neoliberalism

2025-06-23

Otto Lehto , Pablo Paniagua | Economy and Society

Melancholy and Memory: The Generation of Cultural Trauma Carriers Among Pinochet’s Children

2025-06-23

Carolina Aguilera , Daniela Jara | Latin American Research Review

Abstract This article analyzes structures of feeling among the generation of trauma carriers who grew up under Pinochet’s dictatorship. Drawing on interviews with thirty-seven cultural producers (including filmmakers, novelists, visual … Abstract This article analyzes structures of feeling among the generation of trauma carriers who grew up under Pinochet’s dictatorship. Drawing on interviews with thirty-seven cultural producers (including filmmakers, novelists, visual artists, and memory activists), we shed light on the generational memory work involved in processing cultural trauma, emphasizing the emotional force behind memory transmission in postconflict societies dealing with legacies of terror. Drawing on Raymond Williams’s notion of structures of feeling, we explore how the generational memory of children during Pinochet’s dictatorship is shaped by melancholic intergenerational identification with past struggles. This intergenerational bond is characterized by melancholic affect in representing the previous generation, which is rooted in experiences of state violence and resistance and plays a key role in processing historical trauma and shaping contemporary social critique in postconflict Chile.

The Chilean Revolts and the Failure of the Constituent Process

2025-06-21

Sergio Villalobos‐Ruminott | Bulletin of Latin American Research

This article aims to contextualise the recent constituent process in Chile and its subsequent failure, paying attention not only to the so‐called contingent nature of the revolts inaugurated in October … This article aims to contextualise the recent constituent process in Chile and its subsequent failure, paying attention not only to the so‐called contingent nature of the revolts inaugurated in October 2019, but also to the reengineering process implemented by the Pinochet dictatorship. The most ostensible result of this reengineering process was the Constitution of 1980, which was supplemented by a complex juridical‐political framework that has both protected the Constitution and regulated the life of the country during the last 50 years. Despite the recurrence of revolts during the last decades and the aspirations and hopes for a new Constitution, the failure of the recent constituent process is symptomatic of what we can consider the limitations of neoliberal democracy.

Re-membering home in space and time from Chilean exile in Gothenburg

2025-06-20

Sjamme van de Voort | Helsinki University Press eBooks

This chapter examines the cultural memory of Chilean exiles in Gothenburg, Sweden, through oral history interviews conducted with women who arrived in the aftermath of the 1973 military coup. It … This chapter examines the cultural memory of Chilean exiles in Gothenburg, Sweden, through oral history interviews conducted with women who arrived in the aftermath of the 1973 military coup. It explores how metanarratives shaped by Chilean political discourse before exile intersect with and diverge from the migrants’ lived experiences in Sweden. By comparing oral histories with Chilean political media from the period, the chapter identifies elements of cultural memory that remained anchored in Chile and those transformed by migration. The study applies Niels Kayser Nielsen’s model of historical tropes and Gunnar Olsson’s concept of cartographic reasoning to analyze how narratives of displacement and activism structured the community’s memory. The chapter ultimately argues that the Chilean diaspora’s engagement with political and cultural heritage – through solidarity networks, music, and the Hammarkullen Carnival – redefined notions of home and belonging, illustrating the spatial and temporal dimensions of diasporic memory formation.

Foreword

2025-06-19

Katia Chornik | Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

Negotiating Musical Practices in Chilean Prisons during Pinochet’s Dictatorship (1973–1990)

2025-06-19

Núria Bonet | Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

During Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship in Chile (1973–1990) political prisoners played, listened to and taught music. Survivors’ testimonies describe musical practices that reveal and reflect the complex political and social realities … During Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship in Chile (1973–1990) political prisoners played, listened to and taught music. Survivors’ testimonies describe musical practices that reveal and reflect the complex political and social realities of their incarceration. Authorities actually used music to torture and degrade prisoners, but for the prisoners, music was also a tool for communication, community-building, catharsis and entertainment. The question of who could choose, play and hear music in these spaces reveals narratives of resistance and oppression, and of the complexities of musical taste in relation to social status, education and political affiliation. The close relationship between left-wing politics and music, in particular the ‘Nueva Canción Chilena’, meant that political prisoners shared a political and cultural identity. This article discusses how political prisoners negotiated musical practices among themselves, with guards, religious figures and common prisoners, drawing on the Cantos Cautivos, a digital testimonial project that documents musical memories of Chilean political prisoners. I argue that political prisoners applied democratic ideals in coherence with their left-wing beliefs, yet through music reproduced some of the social structures of Chilean society. The musical practices in prisons during the dictatorship were, therefore, unique to this body of political prisoners and their political, social and cultural background.

The Role of Music in the UK’s Chile Solidarity Campaign and in Developing an Exile’s Sense of Self and Place: Francisco Carrasco, Musician, and Member of Merseyside’s Chilean Community

2025-06-19

F. E. , Richard Smith | Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

The role of music in the UK’s Chile Solidarity Campaign and in developing an exile’s sense of self and place are explored in this article through the artistic and political … The role of music in the UK’s Chile Solidarity Campaign and in developing an exile’s sense of self and place are explored in this article through the artistic and political life of Francisco Carrasco. Francisco arrived in the UK with his family in 1975, a child refugee aged almost eleven, and his first public performances were with his family at solidarity events in Leeds. His cultural activism developed when he moved to Liverpool, where, years later, he founded Luma Creations to promote Latin American culture. Francisco is a singer–songwriter–composer, has written poems and books, produced plays and exhibitions documenting his experiences as a child refugee and exile, and he is Luma Creations’ Creative Director. Luma produce an annual Latin American festival, La Feria, in Liverpool, and stage performances by key exponents of Chilean Nueva Canción such as Illapu and Nano Stern. In this article we focus on Francisco Carrasco and his local community using techniques of microhistory, illuminating how his Chilean political and cultural heritage has shaped his life, identity and work. We also explore the part music has played in Chile Solidarity Campaign meetings and in the curation and transmission of the emerging Liverpudlian Chilean community’s cultural identity.

The Contributions of Music-making to the Chilean Exile Experience in Scotland during the 1970s and 1980s through the Eyes of an ‘Exile Music Maker’

2025-06-19

CARLOS ARREDONDO | Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

The fiftieth anniversary, in 2023, of the CIA-backed coup d’état in Chile has provided an excellent incentive for reflection on the Chile Solidarity Campaign in the United Kingdom. This article … The fiftieth anniversary, in 2023, of the CIA-backed coup d’état in Chile has provided an excellent incentive for reflection on the Chile Solidarity Campaign in the United Kingdom. This article is the personal testimony of Carlos Arredondo, a musician and songwriter, and a cultural activist with that campaign in Scotland as a member of the Chilean diaspora in the UK. He seeks to provide insights into the preservation of collective memory, a recurrent theme for millions of Chileans who suffered the abuses of the Pinochet regime for seventeen long and painful years. Based on his personal experiences, Carlos Arredondo explores the culture, identity and resistance of Chilean exiles in Scotland and how these were enriched further through contact with local people. More specifically, this article explores the important role of music in the Chilean Solidarity Campaign in Scotland, in which he was an active participant, drawing on his vast collection of related material, including correspondence, vinyl records, books, posters, leaflets and newspaper articles, bequeathed to him by the ethnomusicologist Jan Fairley just before her death in 2012. Arredondo thus considers the role and importance of tangible material objects related to musical culture in the preservation of collective memory.

Terrenos de la política: investigaciones y trabajo de campo de Jan Fairley sobre la música chilena (Inglaterra/ Francia 1977–1987)

2025-06-19

Javier Rodríguez | Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

La etnomusicóloga, periodista y activista escocesa, Jan Fairley, desarrolló un extenso trabajo de investigación y de campo sobre los conjuntos folclóricos del movimiento de la Nueva Canción Chilena, en especial … La etnomusicóloga, periodista y activista escocesa, Jan Fairley, desarrolló un extenso trabajo de investigación y de campo sobre los conjuntos folclóricos del movimiento de la Nueva Canción Chilena, en especial Karaxú (exiliados en Francia y vinculados al Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria, MIR). Estas investigaciones generaron un enorme archivo (actualmente conservado en Santiago de Chile), que incluye cartas, entrevistas, grabaciones de campo, documentos internos y fotografías, entre otros materiales. Este artículo trata de comprender el proceso de investigación desarrollado por Jan Fairley acerca de un tipo particular de música popular: el folclor político. Destacan sus preocupaciones disciplinares (como el papel de la performance y la puesta en escena de las emociones, y el papel del trabajo etnográfico en la producción de documentos de archivo histórico), y sus actividades personales como agente promotora de la solidaridad británica con Chile.

A land expropriation machine: the first years of the Urban Improvement Corporation (CORMU) in Chile (1967–1970)

2025-06-19

Francisco Díaz | Planning Perspectives

Más allá de militancias y activismos: compromiso sociopolítico en el Chile contemporáneo

2025-06-19

Nicolás Águila , Dora Graciela Arredondo Valenzuela | Estudios Sociológicos de El Colegio de México

En el contexto de la revuelta social chilena de 2019, surgieron experiencias colectivas que desafiaron las lógicas dominantes que promovieron prácticas horizontales, acción directa y democracia consensuada, pese a enfrentar … En el contexto de la revuelta social chilena de 2019, surgieron experiencias colectivas que desafiaron las lógicas dominantes que promovieron prácticas horizontales, acción directa y democracia consensuada, pese a enfrentar tensiones internas. En el artículo se examinan estas experiencias desde su heterogeneidad y se explora cómo las diversas formas de compromiso político complejizan la dicotomía entre militancia y activismos, que requieren ser reconocidas para comprenderlas mejor. Con base en una investigación etnográfica con observación participante y entrevistas en profundidad, se identificaron tres dimensiones clave: organización, orientación política y participación, además de ocho figuras de compromiso contemporáneo. Se ofrecen herramientas para analizar dinámicas colectivas y se plantean nuevas líneas de investigación sobre formas emergentes de acción política en contextos de cambio social y crisis.

Anelí Villa Avendaño, Memorias de esperanza. Las luchas de las mujeres en la guerra civil de Guatemala

2025-06-19

Guillermo Fernández Ampié | Revista Humanismo y Cambio Social

Doctora en Estudios Latinoamericanos e investigadora del Centro de Investigaciones sobre América Latina y el Caribe (CIALC), de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Anelí Villa Avendaño ofrece en este … Doctora en Estudios Latinoamericanos e investigadora del Centro de Investigaciones sobre América Latina y el Caribe (CIALC), de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Anelí Villa Avendaño ofrece en este texto un loable esfuerzo por repensar y replantearse la historia de las luchas revolucionarias del pueblo guatemalteco, enfatizando la participación diversa y múltiples de las mujeres, luchadoras, activistas y combatientes, durante el período que va desde inicios de los años sesenta a finales de los noventa del siglo XX, que la historiografía centroamericana denomina “el conflicto armado” o “la guerra de los 36 años”. Para ello releyó y analizó diversos testimonios de ex guerrilleras, investigó en fuentes primaras albergadas en archivos institucionales y personales, y entrevistó a más a casi una veintena de protagonistas de esos años de lucha, entre ellas a dieciséis mujeres que participaron en el movimiento revolucionario en distintos niveles e instancias de lucha (frentes guerrilleros, redes de apoyo, sindicalistas, estudiantes y otros), provenientes de diferentes orígenes: clase alta, urbana, rural, mujeres mestizas, indígenas, clase media, sectores populares empobrecidos

Legacies of the 1973 Coup in Chile: Music, Identity and Resistance

2025-06-19

Sara Cohen , Lisa Shaw , Richard Smith | Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

Cándidos en su laberinto: canciones, subjetividad y resistencia

2025-06-19

P. Gonzalez | Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

El trauma de la derrota a manos del golpe de 1973 y la dictadura de Pinochet en Chile marcó una crisis en la subjetividad de la izquierda chilena. Si bien … El trauma de la derrota a manos del golpe de 1973 y la dictadura de Pinochet en Chile marcó una crisis en la subjetividad de la izquierda chilena. Si bien la resistencia fue fuerte y creció hasta lograr poner en jaque a la dictadura en 1986, paradójicamente, es a partir de este momento que, en menos de dos años, buena parte del movimiento se desmovilizó, e incluso aceptó el capitalismo neoliberal. Para entender este proceso, es necesario revisar las continuidades y rupturas en los sentimientos y el sentido común de la oposición a la dictadura. Una forma de hacerlo es trabajar con artefactos culturales como cápsulas de memoria. En este artículo analizo una canción emblemática del movimiento de la Nueva Canción Chilena, titulada Cándidos . Las canciones fueron (y siguen siendo) instancias de reproducción, elaboración, discusión y transmisión del sentir colectivo y su sistema de valores. Metodológicamente, mi trabajo se basa en la adaptación de métodos hermenéuticos surgidos en la tradición de la Escuela de Frankfurt y el concepto de lectura contrapuntista de Edward Said. De este modo, propongo que es posible reconstruir, por ejemplo, los avatares de las representaciones del ‘sujeto luchador’ y las condiciones materiales y culturales que lo sustentan.

Espacio, poder y memoria. Sitios de represión en Chile.

2025-06-17

A. Briones Figueroa | ANALES DE ARQUITECTURA UC

Los Centros de Detención, Tortura y Exterminio (CDTE) suelen ser, en muchos aspectos, un lugar común en la investigación académica sobre el periodo dictatorial en Chile. Tanto documentos oficiales como … Los Centros de Detención, Tortura y Exterminio (CDTE) suelen ser, en muchos aspectos, un lugar común en la investigación académica sobre el periodo dictatorial en Chile. Tanto documentos oficiales como la extensa producción académica que existe en torno al tema han probado ser esenciales en la reconstrucción de lo que podría denominarse las “ruinas de la represión”. Sin embargo, el foco respecto a ellos se ha puesto usualmente en la revisión exhaustiva de los hechos históricos y de los efectos sociológicos de la dictadura, dejando el análisis crítico de la dimensión espacial como un terreno aún bastante fértil. El presente texto tiene como foco proponer una exploración teórica de las singularidades que el poder puede adquirir en el espacio y, para ello, se centra en los sitios utilizados para la represión durante la dictadura militar de la década de 1970. Mediante la revisión de bibliografía especializada que aborda las dimensiones políticas, históricas y espaciales de estos sitios, se busca poner especial atención a la expresión física de las dinámicas de poder de este periodo. Como reflexión principal, se propone una lectura del sitio de represión como un dispositivo multiescalar que sigue articulando no sólo narrativas Estado nacionales, sino además territorios, comunidades y las memorias que allí concurren. Así, se busca aportar a la investigación académica sobre los sitios de represión en Chile al adoptar una perspectiva espacial para su lectura, lo cual se espera contribuya a la comprensión y salvaguarda de estos sitios como contenedores físicos de la “memoria incómoda” del país.

The new stories of the daughters, 50 years after the Chilean military coup

2025-06-17

Lorena Amaro Castro | Rassegna iberistica

The following article offers a picture of the context and works that, 50 years after the military coup in Chile, continue to put together the puzzle of collective memory. It … The following article offers a picture of the context and works that, 50 years after the military coup in Chile, continue to put together the puzzle of collective memory. It addresses above all the ‘literature of daughters’, and the characteristics that the authorship of women gives to these stories. Finally analyses the essayistic-testimonial text La resaca de la memoria , by Verónica Estay Stange, to highlight a distanced regarding to the discourse of the victims, the need to rethink the subjectivities and bodies affected by state violence and the aesthetic and ethical forms with which family disobedience is tackled, both in the case of those who are descendants of repressors, as well as the children of those they suffered the repression firsthand.

Repertorios de resistencia de grupos subalternos en la postdictadura chilena (Osorno, 1994-2011)

2025-06-06

Miguel Sepúlveda Chávez | El Futuro del Pasado

El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo principal analizar las estrategias de resistencia desarrolladas por grupos subalternos —anarquistas, mapuche-williche y pobladores/as— de la Provincia de Osorno (Chile) durante los años 1994-2011. … El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo principal analizar las estrategias de resistencia desarrolladas por grupos subalternos —anarquistas, mapuche-williche y pobladores/as— de la Provincia de Osorno (Chile) durante los años 1994-2011. Dicho análisis se realiza a partir de la propuesta conceptual de repertorios de resistencia, inspirada en el repertorio de contestación propuesto por Charles Tilly. Se utilizan principalmente a tres tipos de fuentes: 1) fuentes orales, obtenidas a través de la realización de entrevistas en profundidad, entre los años 2021 y 2022, a integrantes de los grupos ya señalados y que participaron de sus procesos de resistencia durante el período 1994-2011; 2) prensa, obtenidas en de la revisión de El Austral de Osorno, durante los años recién señalados; y 3) textos derivados de fuentes emanadas desde los mismos grupos. Entre los principales resultados destaca que, tanto a nivel de repertorio, como de actuaciones o performances, no existen grandes diferencias entre lo desarrollado por los tres grupos revisados en este trabajo. No obstante, sí existen diferencias o especificidades en la unidad más básica del repertorio de resistencia, es decir, en las acciones de resistencia. Dicha especificidad vendría dada porque, aparentemente, es en este nivel donde los distintos grupos subalternos logran plasmar de manera más importante su identidad, sus objetivos y sus características propias como grupo.

Military Professionalization and the Decline of Revolts in South America

2025-06-04

| Cambridge University Press eBooks

Projection of the consequences of the military dictatorship on the current socio-political processes in Uruguay

2025-06-03

Andrey Budaev | Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)

The article examines the impact of the tragic events that occurred in Uruguay in 1973–1985 on the current internal dynamics and the balance of political forces in the society. The … The article examines the impact of the tragic events that occurred in Uruguay in 1973–1985 on the current internal dynamics and the balance of political forces in the society. The author concludes that the given “subject” retains its relevance nowadays and is somewhat parallel to the growing trend in Western countries towards increasing political intolerance, right-wing extremism and the revival of Nazi ideology.

Social Movements as Triggers of Transgenerational Transmission of Trauma and Memory in Chile

2025-06-01

Karla Henríquez , Nicolás Pinochet Mendoza , Geoffrey Pleyers +1 more | International Journal for Crime Justice and Social Democracy

This article explores the role of social movements in transmitting collective memory and trauma produced by the dictatorship across generations in Chile. It argues that, beyond civil society organisations focused … This article explores the role of social movements in transmitting collective memory and trauma produced by the dictatorship across generations in Chile. It argues that, beyond civil society organisations focused on human rights, broader social movements, such as student, feminist, and anti-neoliberal protests, play a crucial role in uncovering and processing the trauma of past state violence. Using qualitative research and combining insights from social movement studies, social psychology, and psychoanalysis, we show how these movements produce spaces and situations where conscious and unconscious trauma originating in state political violence is unveiled, transmitted to the next generation, and in some cases, re-elaborated. The article also highlights the gendered dimension of memory, mainly through the experiences of women survivors of sexual political violence, who fought for official recognition of these crimes as distinct from torture. Social movements facilitate the articulation of these silenced histories, fostering intergenerational dialogue. Ultimately, the study underscores how Chilean society remains shaped by dictatorship-era violence, with social movements playing a vital role in confronting historical silences and shaping collective memory.

Venezuelans in Chile

2025-06-01

| Berghahn Books

Settling National Truths in Democratic Chile

2025-06-01

| Berghahn Books

Estrategias estatales y reconfiguración del territorio en la consolidación del capitalismo agrario y forestal en la Araucanía, Chile c. 1920-1955

2025-05-31

Diana Henao Holguín , Lorena Campuzano | Historia Agraria de América Latina

Este artículo analiza los mecanismos que el Estado implementó para resolver el conflicto social por las tierras y la deforestación masiva, pero que profundizaron la exclusión de comunidades indígenas y … Este artículo analiza los mecanismos que el Estado implementó para resolver el conflicto social por las tierras y la deforestación masiva, pero que profundizaron la exclusión de comunidades indígenas y campesinos, afianzaron el sistema de hacienda y la industria forestal y consolidaron el modelo capitalista agrario y forestal en la región de la Araucanía entre 1920 y 1955. Se estudia cómo cuatro políticas estatales -la Ley Forestal de 1931, la Ley de Propiedad Austral, la Ley 4169 de 1927 de división de tierras indígenas y la Caja de Colonización Agrícola- fueron claves en el proceso de profundización del capitalismo agrario y forestal. El principal argumento que se propone señala que dichas políticas consolidaron el dominio estatal en la Araucanía. Así, encontramos que el caso chileno de comodificación de la tierra y los bosques no siguió rutas semejantes a países como México y Colombia, donde el manejo estatal de los bosques y las tierras respondió a la conflictividad entre actores con políticas menos excluyentes con las comunidades indígenas y los campesinos. El estudio utiliza mapas, censos agropecuarios y legislación para rastrear cambios en la tenencia y uso de la tierra y los bosques, y las implicaciones sociales de la integración de La Araucanía al capitalismo y al Estado chileno.

The economic vote when there is no ruling party presidential candidate: Chile in 2021

2025-05-31

Tomás Arias , Patricio Navia | International Political Science Review

What impact does the economic vote have when the incumbent party candidate loses in the first-round vote and the candidates in the runoff are both opponents of the outgoing government … What impact does the economic vote have when the incumbent party candidate loses in the first-round vote and the candidates in the runoff are both opponents of the outgoing government but ideologically opposed to each other? Using two surveys from shortly before the first- and second-round presidential elections in Chile in 2021, respectively, we assess the impact of socio- and ego-tropic economic perceptions on the vote choice for extreme right candidate José Kast and left candidate Gabriel Boric. Ideological and sociodemographic variables had a greater impact than economic perceptions in both rounds. However, economic perceptions have stronger explanatory power in the runoff than in the first round. Those with more positive current views were more likely to vote for the outgoing government candidate in the first-round vote. Economic perceptions have a more elastic effect among centrists and those not ideologically identified than among those strongly aligned with the left or right.

Voluntarios argentinos y extranjeros durante la Guerra de Malvinas: estadísticas y motivaciones

2025-05-29

A. Martín Díaz , Laura Broilo | Malvinas en Cuestión

The conflict that confronted the Argentine Republic and the United Kingdom of Great Britain over the Malvinas Islands, in 1982, aroused the support of a large number of people, who … The conflict that confronted the Argentine Republic and the United Kingdom of Great Britain over the Malvinas Islands, in 1982, aroused the support of a large number of people, who fervently embraced a cause – their own or someone else's – that had deeply affected their representations and imaginaries. The purpose of the present work is to offer a dimension of the adhesion of Argentines and foreigners, men and women, who volunteered, during the South Atlantic Conflict, in 1982. From the analysis of the documentation and letters addressed to military authorities, it was possible to reconstruct a quantitative and partially qualitative overview of the volunteers who made themselves present to take a place in the historic act and a first approximation of their motivations and actions carried out. Its result exposes the magnitude of what the Malvinas Cause represented not only for Argentines, but also, for a large number of Latin Americans who did not hesitate to offer themselves for whatever Argentina decided, when the definition of recovering sovereignty over the unredeemed territory since 1833 was taken.

Modernización y racionalismo de la arquitectura institucional. El caso del edificio de los servicios públicos e intendencia de Antofagasta, Chile (1889-1963)

2025-05-27

Damir Galaz-Mandakovic

El proceso de modernización arquitectónica en Chile, particularmente en la costa del Desierto de Atacama, ha reflejado la transición desde estilos eclécticos hacia los principios del Movimiento Moderno. La Intendencia … El proceso de modernización arquitectónica en Chile, particularmente en la costa del Desierto de Atacama, ha reflejado la transición desde estilos eclécticos hacia los principios del Movimiento Moderno. La Intendencia de Antofagasta, actualmente sede de la Delegación Presidencial Regional y el Gobierno Regional, constituye un caso emblemático de esta evolución. El artículo examina la transformación arquitectónica desde sus inicios en 1889 hasta la edificación moderna inaugurada en 1963, diseñada por Edwin Weil. A través de una metodología historiográfica y el análisis diacrónico de fuentes primarias, principalmente diarios, se identifican tres ejes fundamentales: primero, la evolución del edificio como manifestación de las políticas urbanas y de modernización estatal en el siglo XX; segundo, la reconstrucción del edificio tras el incendio de julio de 1955 como parte de una estrategia estatal para fortalecer la institucionalidad regional, incorporándose criterios arquitectónicos modernos y funcionales; y tercero, el papel de la nueva edificación en la consolidación del centro cívico de Antofagasta, que proyecta una imagen de modernidad y eficiencia administrativa.

1 Alfonso Cano’s Grave: Vanguardism and the FARC-EP in Northern Cauca

2025-05-24

3 The Afterlife of Mexico, 1968

2025-05-24

Augusto Pinochet’s Coup and the Chicago Boys’ Reform Program

2025-05-20

Redes transnacionales en la Guerra Fría interamericana: el complejo militar israelí en Guatemala

2025-05-20

Alberto Hidalgo Luna

Desde la corriente historiográfica de la Guerra Fría interamericana y la perspectiva transnacional, en el artículo se analiza el complejo militar industrial israelí como un actor estratégico en las labores … Desde la corriente historiográfica de la Guerra Fría interamericana y la perspectiva transnacional, en el artículo se analiza el complejo militar industrial israelí como un actor estratégico en las labores de contrainsurgencia en Guatemala durante el genocidio perpetrado en el país a finales de la década de 1970 y en los primeros años de la de 1980. Este apoyo consistió en la transferencia de recursos, conocimientos y experiencias, e incluyó la venta de armas y tecnología militar, así como entrenamiento técnico y tecnológico en inteligencia, asesoría en estrategias de reorganización social mediante proyectos agrícola-militares —como las «aldeas modelo»— y, en general, la implementación de tácticas de guerra irregular. El texto se estructura en cuatro secciones donde se examina la vinculación del complejo militar israelí con el genocidio guatemalteco. Se sostiene como hipótesis central que la red transnacional que vincula Israel con Guatemala se gestionó por cuatro vías: el rol de Israel como proxy de Estados Unidos, el aprovechamiento de su histórica relación diplomática con Guatemala, la promoción de su naciente industria militar especializada en guerra irregular y la oportunidad de externalizar su conflicto con la Organización para la Liberación de Palestina hacia Centroamérica.

Salvador Allende’s Thousand Days of Socialism and the Chicago Boys, 1970–1973

2025-05-20

El proyecto Chile. La historia de los Chicago Boys y el fin del neoliberalismo, de Sebastián Edwards

2025-05-19

Maximiliano Jara

Reseña de Maximiliano Jara del libro El proyecto Chile. La historia de los Chicago Boys y el fin del neoliberalismo, de Sebastián Edwards. Santiago: Ediciones UDP, 2024. Reseña de Maximiliano Jara del libro El proyecto Chile. La historia de los Chicago Boys y el fin del neoliberalismo, de Sebastián Edwards. Santiago: Ediciones UDP, 2024.

Diplomacia más allá del deber. La inédita historia de Samuel del Campo. Chile y el Holocausto, de Jorge Schindler

2025-05-19

Ashley Turley Ballivian

Reseña de Ashley Turley del libro Diplomacia más allá del deber. La inédita historia de Samuel del Campo. Chile y el Holocausto, de Jorge Schindler. Santiago: RIL Editores, 2021. Reseña de Ashley Turley del libro Diplomacia más allá del deber. La inédita historia de Samuel del Campo. Chile y el Holocausto, de Jorge Schindler. Santiago: RIL Editores, 2021.

Chile contra la política panamericana de Estados Unidos, 1881-1882

2025-05-19

Jorge Alfaro

Se examina el actuar de la política exterior de Chile ante la política intervencionista de Estados Unidos en la Guerra de Pacífico, específicamente, la disposición para enfrentar el proyecto de … Se examina el actuar de la política exterior de Chile ante la política intervencionista de Estados Unidos en la Guerra de Pacífico, específicamente, la disposición para enfrentar el proyecto de integración panamericana expresado en la invitación a la Conferencia Americana de 1882, instancia evaluada como una real amenaza a sus legítimos intereses, en tanto, Washington desde su rol como potencia continental intentó consolidar su ascenso en la escala de poder internacional arbitrando en el conflicto, evitando perjuicios a Perú. En un esquema asimétrico, en donde Chile actuó como el Estado pequeño, debió ajustar su política para mantener la resolución del conflicto en el marco de la bilateralidad. Para ello se recurrió a bibliografía especializada y documentos y memorias del Archivo Histórico del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Chile.

The Role of Military Thinking in Bolsonaro's Populist Foreign Policy 1

2025-05-16

Erica Simone Almeida Resende , Danilo Marcondes

El XXI Congreso Extraordinario del Partido Comunista de la Unión Soviética y su importancia histórica para la construcción de una nueva legitimidad política

2025-05-16

Augusto Piemonte

Tras la muerte de Stalin en 1953, la dirección colegiada que encabezó Khrushchev enfrentó la urgencia de forjar una nueva legitimidad. El XXI Congreso Extraordinario del PCUS formalizó las directrices … Tras la muerte de Stalin en 1953, la dirección colegiada que encabezó Khrushchev enfrentó la urgencia de forjar una nueva legitimidad. El XXI Congreso Extraordinario del PCUS formalizó las directrices con vistas a conducir la construcción de un nuevo horizonte de expectativas para el conjunto de la sociedad soviética. Pese a caer rápidamente en el olvido, esta instancia partidaria confirmó la reconfiguración del escenario político, transfiriendo la preeminencia del Politburó al Comité Central, y estableciendo el rumbo económico etapista que debía seguir la Unión Soviética para la construcción del comunismo. Mediante el abordaje de documentos partidarios y publicaciones periódicas soviéticas, este artículo analiza la forja de una nueva legitimidad por parte de la dirección soviética y demuestra que el congreso de 1959 cristalizó las premisas políticas lanzadas en el XX Congreso de 1956, al tiempo que anticipó las cuestiones ideológicas fundamentales que abordaría el XXII Congreso de 1961.

Cuerpos y miradas rebeldes en el paisaje de la protesta. Mutilar, conmemorar y borrar. Santiago de Chile

2025-05-16

Francisca Márquez , Lorena Núňez , Carlos Salas

Se reflexiona sobre las mutilaciones oculares ocurridas durante el levantamiento social del 18 de octubre de 2019, en Chile. El argumento es que la mutilación de ojos por parte de … Se reflexiona sobre las mutilaciones oculares ocurridas durante el levantamiento social del 18 de octubre de 2019, en Chile. El argumento es que la mutilación de ojos por parte de las fuerzas policiales chilenas operó como un dispositivo represivo, de control e intimidación de los cuerpos en los espacios de protesta. La biopolítica de la represión se impuso como castigo ejemplar. Las preguntas que orientan la descripción y análisis son: ¿Cómo comprender los masivos traumas oculares en el contexto del estallido social en Chile? ¿Cómo recuerdan, testimonian y viven hoy su experiencia los sobrevivientes de traumas oculares? ¿Cómo enuncia, denuncia y conmemora el arte callejero los hechos de las mutilaciones oculares? Se concluye que la amalgama entre estas expresiones artísticas y las demandas de reparación económica y simbólica de los sobrevivientes resultaba estratégica para la reconfiguración de la partición de lo sensible y la realización del duelo (Ranciere, 2004; Quintana, 2020). Hoy solo permanecen los relatos y las imágenes de los sobrevivientes con escazas posibilidades de una experiencia del duelo, reparación simbólica y resignificación de su presencia en el tejido social. Lo que hoy se observa es la revictimización progresiva de los sobrevivientes y la negación de la legitimidad del reclamo.

Te Reva Reimiro. La bandera rapanui y el poder soberano en tensión

2025-05-09

Duque Muñoz

Este artículo analiza el Reva Reimiro, la bandera rapanui, como un artefacto político y memorial que concentra y comunica una versión indígena de la historia de la anexión chilena. Sustentado … Este artículo analiza el Reva Reimiro, la bandera rapanui, como un artefacto político y memorial que concentra y comunica una versión indígena de la historia de la anexión chilena. Sustentado en un trabajo de etnografía histórica, la bandera rapanui es observada a través de historias orales, textos escritos y un canto tradicional. Estos registros ponen en evidencia la relevancia política pasada y presente de esta bandera, permitiendo acceder a cómo se ha interpretado y traspasado de una generación a otra el sentido del acuerdo establecido entre los jefes rapanui y el representante del Estado chileno. La bandera es conceptualizada como una materialización del gobierno nativo y su posición en el mástil pone en escena una memoria condensada y problemática sobre dos versiones de la anexión: la cesión de la soberanía, por un lado; y la mantención de esta en manos de un gobierno nativo, por el otro. En primer lugar, se expone un ‘a‘amu (historia) publicado el año en que Chile celebró el centenario de la anexión (1988). Luego, se analizan otras narrativas escritas y cantadas que enfatizan el rol de la bandera en los actos de la anexión. Por último, se analiza la puesta...(Ver resumen completo en PDF)

The Material Turn in Latin America

2025-05-08

Héctor Hoyos , Valeria Meiller

El marxismo latinoamericano olvidado y sus puntos de fuga: Desencuentros y afinidades entre Michael Löwy y José Aricó.

2025-05-01

Marco Álvarez-Vergara | Izquierdas