Social Sciences Political Science and International Relations

Politics and Conflicts in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Middle East

Description

This cluster of papers focuses on the complex issues of conflict reconstruction, state-building, and security in Afghanistan and Pakistan, with a particular emphasis on the influence of the Taliban, militant Islam, and the challenges of nation-building in Central Asia. The papers explore the historical, political, economic, and cultural dimensions of these conflicts and their implications for reconstruction efforts.

Keywords

Afghanistan; Pakistan; State-Building; Taliban; Conflict; Reconstruction; Militant Islam; Central Asia; Nation-building; Security

1. Introduction Kanchan Chandra Part 1: Concepts 2. What is Ethnic Identity: A Minimalist Definition. Kanchan Chandra 3. Attributes and Categories: A New Conceptual Vocabulary For Thinking About Ethnic Identity … 1. Introduction Kanchan Chandra Part 1: Concepts 2. What is Ethnic Identity: A Minimalist Definition. Kanchan Chandra 3. Attributes and Categories: A New Conceptual Vocabulary For Thinking About Ethnic Identity Kanchan Chandra 4. How Ethnic Identities Change Kanchan Chandra 5. A Language for Thinking About Ethnic Identity Change Kanchan Chandra and Cilanne Boulet Part 2: Models 6. A Baseline Model of Change in an Activated Ethnic Demography Kanchan Chandra and Cilanne Boulet 7. Modeling the Evolution of an Ethnic Demography Maurits Van der Veen and David Laitin 8. How Fluid is Fluid? Ethnic Demography and Electoral Volatility in Africa Karen Ferree 9. Ethnicity and Pork: A Virtual Test of Causal Mechanisms David Laitin and Maurits Van Der Veen 10. Constructivism and Ethnic Riots Steven Wilkinson 11. Identity, Rationality, and Emotion in State Disintegration and Reconstruction Roger Petersen 12. Deploying Constructivism for the Analysis of Rare Events: How Possible is the Emergence of Punjabistan? Ian Lustick
Acknowledgments xi 1 Entering the Elite 1 2 The Playing Field 29 3 The Pitch 55 4 The Paper 83 5 Setting the Stage for Interviews 113 6 Beginning the … Acknowledgments xi 1 Entering the Elite 1 2 The Playing Field 29 3 The Pitch 55 4 The Paper 83 5 Setting the Stage for Interviews 113 6 Beginning the Interview: Finding a Fit 135 7 Continuing the Interview: The Candidate's Story 147 8 Concluding the Interview: The Final Acts 183 9 Talking It Out: Deliberating Merit 211 10 Social Reconstruction 253 11 Conclusion 267 Appendix A Who Is Elite? 287 Appendix B Methodological Details 291 Appendix C List of Interviews 307 Notes 315 References 347 Index 365
Today between forty and sixty nations, home to more than one billion people, have either collapsed or are teetering on the brink of failure. The world's worst problems-terrorism, drugs and … Today between forty and sixty nations, home to more than one billion people, have either collapsed or are teetering on the brink of failure. The world's worst problems-terrorism, drugs and human trafficking, absolute poverty, ethnic conflict, disease, genocide-originate in such states, and the international community has devoted billions of dollars to solving the problem. Yet by and large the effort has not succeeded. Ashraf Ghani and Clare Lockhart have taken an active part in the effort to save failed states for many years, serving as World Bank officials, as advisers to the UN, and as high-level participants in the new government of Afghanistan. In Fixing Failed States, they describe the issue-vividly and convincingly-offering an on-the-ground picture of why past efforts have not worked and advancing a groundbreaking new solution to this most pressing of global crises. For the paperback edition, they have added a new preface that addresses the continuing crisis in light of ongoing governance problems in weak states like Afghanistan and the global financial recession. As they explain, many of these countries already have the resources they need, if only we knew how to connect them to global knowledge and put them to work in the right way. Their state-building strategy, which assigns responsibility equally among the international community, national leaders, and citizens, maps out a clear path to political and economic stability. The authors provide a practical framework for achieving these ends, supporting their case with first-hand examples of struggling territories such as Afghanistan, Sudan, Kosovo and Nepal as well as the world's success stories-Singapore, Ireland, and even the American South.
Amy Chua's remarkable and provocative book explores the tensions of the post-Cold War globalising world. As global markets open, ethnic conflict worsens and democracy in developing nations can turn ugly … Amy Chua's remarkable and provocative book explores the tensions of the post-Cold War globalising world. As global markets open, ethnic conflict worsens and democracy in developing nations can turn ugly and violent. Chua shows how free markets have concentrated disproportionate, often spectacular wealth in the hands of resented ethnic minorities - 'market-dominant minorities'. Adding democracy to this volatile mix can unleash suppressed ethnic hatred and bring to power 'ethno-nationalist' governments that pursue aggressive policies of confiscation and revenge. Chua also shows how individual countries may be viewed as market-dominant minorities, a fact that could help to explain the rising tide of anti-American sentiment around the world and the visceral hatred of Americans expressed in recent acts of terrorism. Chua is not an anti-globalist. But in this must-read bestselling book she presciently warns that, far from making the world a better and safer place, democracy and capitalism - at least in the raw, unrestrained form in which they are currently being exported - are intensifying ethnic resentment and global violence, with potentially catastrophic results.
LIST OF MAPS PREFACE ABBREVIATIONS NOTES ON THE USE OF INDIAN WORDS AND ON GEOGRAPHY INTRODUCTION 1. PROLOGUE: WAR AND SOCIETY IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY INDIA 2. AGRICULTURE, ECOLOGY, AND POLITICS 3. … LIST OF MAPS PREFACE ABBREVIATIONS NOTES ON THE USE OF INDIAN WORDS AND ON GEOGRAPHY INTRODUCTION 1. PROLOGUE: WAR AND SOCIETY IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY INDIA 2. AGRICULTURE, ECOLOGY, AND POLITICS 3. STABILITY AND CHANGE IN THE CITIES, 1780-1810 4. THE RISE OF THE CORPORATIONS 5. THE GROWTH OF POLITICAL STABILITY IN INDIA, 1780-1830 6. THE INDIGENOUS ORIGINS OF THE 'COLONIAL ECONOMY' 7. THE CRISIS OF THE NORTH INDIAN POLITICAL ECONOMY, 1825-45 8. CONFLICT AND CHANGE IN THE CITIES, 1800-57 9. SMALL TOWNS IN THE POLITICAL ECONOMY: THE QASBAH UNDER PRESSURE 10. THE MERCHANT FAMILY 11. THE MERCHANT FAMILY AS A BUSINESS ENTERPRISE 12. TOWNS, TRADE, AND SOCIETY AFTER THE GREAT REBELLION CONCLUSIONS EPILOGUE TO THE INDIAN EDITION BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE GLOSSARY INDEX
List of Illustrations ix Preface xi Acknowledgments xix INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1: Urgent Business Relationship: Nigerian E-Mail Scams 28 CHAPTER 2: From Favoritism to 419: Corruption in Everyday Life 53 … List of Illustrations ix Preface xi Acknowledgments xix INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1: Urgent Business Relationship: Nigerian E-Mail Scams 28 CHAPTER 2: From Favoritism to 419: Corruption in Everyday Life 53 CHAPTER 3: Development Scams: Donors, Dollars, and NGO Entrepreneurs 88 CHAPTER 4: Fair Play Even among Robbers: Democracy, Politics, and Corruption 112 CHAPTER 5: Rumors, Riots, and Diabolical Rituals 138 CHAPTER 6: Became the Criminals They Were Supposed to Fight: Crime, Corruption, and Vigilante Justice 166 CHAPTER 7: Anticorruption Aspirations: Biafrans and Born-again Christians 191 CONCLUSION 221 Appendix 233 Notes 241 References 247 Index 257
Security Analysis: Conceptual Apparatus The Military Sector The Environmental Sector The Economic Sector The Societal Sector The Political Sector How Sectors are Synthesized by Actors. Security Analysis: Conceptual Apparatus The Military Sector The Environmental Sector The Economic Sector The Societal Sector The Political Sector How Sectors are Synthesized by Actors.
Acronyms vii Introduction: The Proper Name 1 Chapter 1: Deccan Pastoral: The Making of an Ethnohistorical Imagination in Western India 20 Chapter 2: Bombay and the Politics of Urban Desire … Acronyms vii Introduction: The Proper Name 1 Chapter 1: Deccan Pastoral: The Making of an Ethnohistorical Imagination in Western India 20 Chapter 2: Bombay and the Politics of Urban Desire 37 Chapter 3: Say with Pride That We Are Hindus: Shiv Sena and Communal Populism 70 Chapter 4: Thane City: The Making of Politcal Dadaism 101 Chapter 5: Riots, Policing, and Truth Telling in Bombay 121 Chapter 6: In the Muslim Mohalla 160 Chapter 7: Living the Dream: Governance, Graft, and Goons 194 Conclusion: Politics as Permanent performance 227 Notes 235 Glossary 251 Bibliography 255 Index 267
O sistema da Guerra Fria serviu como referencial para explicações sobre uma certa estabilidade na ordem política internacional resultante da combinação de dois fatores: o antagonismo estratégico-militar entre Estados Unidos … O sistema da Guerra Fria serviu como referencial para explicações sobre uma certa estabilidade na ordem política internacional resultante da combinação de dois fatores: o antagonismo estratégico-militar entre Estados Unidos e União Soviética e a dissuasão nuclear.Ademais, constituiu uma base para o entendimento sobre a contenção de conflitos armados locais e regionais, em decorrência do controle dos governos norte-americano e soviético de seus respectivos aliados e da intervenção em assuntos domésticos dos países periféricos.Seria natural, pois, que se questionasse em que medida a natureza e as características do fenômeno da guerra mudariam com o fim do período do paradigma Leste-
I think [my grandchildren] will be proud of two things. What I did for the Negro and seeing it through in Vietnam for all of Asia. The Negro cost me … I think [my grandchildren] will be proud of two things. What I did for the Negro and seeing it through in Vietnam for all of Asia. The Negro cost me 15 points in the polls and Vietnam cost me 20. Lyndon B. Johnson With tenacious regularity over the last two and a half decades the Gallup Poll has posed to its cross-section samples of the American public the following query, “Do you approve or disapprove of the way (the incumbent) is handling his job as President?” The responses to this curious question form an index known as “Presidential popularity.” According to Richard Neustadt, the index is “widely taken to approximate reality” in Washington and reports about its behavior are “very widely read” there, including, the quotation above would suggest, the highest circles. Plotted over time, the index forms probably the longest continuous trend line in polling history. This study seeks to analyze the behavior of this line for the period from the beginning of the Truman administration in 1945 to the end of the Johnson administration in January 1969 during which time the popularity question was asked some 300 times. Four variables are used as predictors of a President's popularity. These include a measure of the length of time the incumbent has been in office as well as variables which attempt to estimate the influence on his rating of major international events, economic slump and war. To assess the independent impact of each of these variables as they interact in association with Presidential popularity, multiple regression analysis is used as the basic analytic technique.
Shrouding themselves and their aims in deepest secrecy, the leaders of the Taliban movement control Afghanistan with an inflexible, crushing fundamentalism. The most extreme and radical of all Islamic organizations, … Shrouding themselves and their aims in deepest secrecy, the leaders of the Taliban movement control Afghanistan with an inflexible, crushing fundamentalism. The most extreme and radical of all Islamic organizations, the Taliban inspires fascination, controversy, and especially fear in both the Muslim world and the West. Correspondent Ahmed Rashid brings the shadowy world of the Taliban into sharp focus in this enormously interesting and revealing book. It is the only authoritative account of the Taliban and modern day Afghanistan available to English language readers. Based on his experiences as a journalist covering the civil war in Afghanistan for twenty years, traveling and living with the Taliban, and interviewing most of the Taliban leaders since their emergence to power in 1994, Rashid offers unparalleled firsthand information. He explains how the growth of Taliban power has already created severe instability in Russia, Iran, Pakistan, and five Central Asian republics. He describes the Taliban s role as a major player in a new Great Game a competition among Western countries and companies to build oil and gas pipelines from Central Asia to Western and Asian markets. The author also discusses the controversial changes in American attitudes toward the Taliban from early support to recent bombings of Osama Bin Laden s hideaway and other Taliban-protected terrorist bases and how they have influenced the stability of the region.
This theory takes as its point of departure two of the most glaring facts about this world: the tremendous inequality, within and between nations, in almost all aspects of human … This theory takes as its point of departure two of the most glaring facts about this world: the tremendous inequality, within and between nations, in almost all aspects of human living conditions, including the power to decide over those living conditions; and the resistance of this inequality to change.
"Government of Paper. The Materiality of Bureaucracy in Urban Pakistan." Regional Studies, 47(4), pp. 645–646 "Government of Paper. The Materiality of Bureaucracy in Urban Pakistan." Regional Studies, 47(4), pp. 645–646
The Logic of Political Survival, Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, Alastair Smith, Randolph Siverson, and James Morrow, Cambridge, MA and London: The MIT Press, 2003, pp. xiii, 536 The Logic of … The Logic of Political Survival, Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, Alastair Smith, Randolph Siverson, and James Morrow, Cambridge, MA and London: The MIT Press, 2003, pp. xiii, 536 The Logic of Political Survival is much more than its title suggests. Its main focus is certainly on the survival of political leaders, but its embrace extends to economic development, nation-building, democratization, war and peace, protest, civil war, and revolution. All of these topics are subsumed under a single theory that is elaborated formally and validated through a truly gargantuan exercise in data analysis. It is, without doubt, an extraordinary attempt to answer some very big questions.
The link between Islam and terrorism became a central media concern following September 11, resulting in new rounds of "culture talk. This talk has turned religious experience into a political … The link between Islam and terrorism became a central media concern following September 11, resulting in new rounds of "culture talk. This talk has turned religious experience into a political category, differentiating 'good Muslims" from "bad Muslims, rather than terrorists from civilians. The implication is undisguised: Whether in Afghanistan, Palestine, or Pakistan, Islam must be quarantined and the devil must be exorcized from it by a civil war between good Muslims and bad Muslims. This article suggests that we lift the quarantine and turn the cultural theory of politics on its head. Beyond the simple but radical suggestion that if there are good Muslims and bad Muslims, there must also be good Westerners and bad Westerners, I question the very tendency to read Islamist politics as an effect of Islamic civilization—whether good or bad—and Western power as an effect of Western civilization. Both those politics and that power are born of an encounter, and neither can be understood outside of the history of that encounter. Cultural explanations of political outcomes tend to avoid history and issues. Thinking of individuals from "traditional" cultures in authentic and original terms, culture talk dehistoricizes the construction of political identities. This article places the terror of September 11 in a historical and political context. Rather than a residue of a premodern culture in modern politics, terrorism is best understood as a modern construction. Even when it harnesses one or another aspect of tradition and culture, the result is a modern ensemble at the service of a modern project. [Keywords: Muslims, culture talk, Islamist politics, political identities, terrorism]
List of maps Preface Glossary List of abbreviations Introduction 1. Prologue: surveillance and communication in early modern India 2. Political intelligence and indigenous informants during the conquest of India, c. … List of maps Preface Glossary List of abbreviations Introduction 1. Prologue: surveillance and communication in early modern India 2. Political intelligence and indigenous informants during the conquest of India, c. 1785-1815 3. Misinformation and failure on the fringes of empire 4. Between human intelligence and colonial knowledge 5. The Indian ecumene: an indigenous public sphere 6. Useful knowledge and godly society, c. 1830-50 7. Colonial controversies: astronomers and physicians 8. Colonial controversies: language and land 9. The information order, the Rebellion of 1857-9 and pacification 10. Epilogue: information, surveillance and the public arena after the Rebellion Conclusion: 'knowing the country' Bibliography Index.
The updated edition of this classic treatise on the behavior of great powers takes a penetrating look at the question likely to dominate international relations in the twenty-first century: Can … The updated edition of this classic treatise on the behavior of great powers takes a penetrating look at the question likely to dominate international relations in the twenty-first century: Can China rise peacefully? In clear, eloquent prose, John Mearsheimer explains why the answer is no: a rising China will seek to dominate Asia, while the United States, determined to remain the world's sole regional hegemon, will go to great lengths to prevent that from happening. The tragedy of great power politics is inescapable.
Journal Article The Colonial Present: Afghanistan, Palestine, Iraq Get access The Colonial Present: Afghanistan, Palestine, Iraq by Derek Gregory. Malden, MA, Blackwell Publishers, 2004. 367 pp. Cloth, $59.95; paper, $27.95. … Journal Article The Colonial Present: Afghanistan, Palestine, Iraq Get access The Colonial Present: Afghanistan, Palestine, Iraq by Derek Gregory. Malden, MA, Blackwell Publishers, 2004. 367 pp. Cloth, $59.95; paper, $27.95. Charles Tilly Charles Tilly Columbia University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Political Science Quarterly, Volume 120, Issue 1, Spring 2005, Pages 134–135, https://doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165X.2005.tb01325.x Published: 25 March 2013
Social origins of dictatorship and democracy: lord and peasant in the making of the modern world , Social origins of dictatorship and democracy: lord and peasant in the making of … Social origins of dictatorship and democracy: lord and peasant in the making of the modern world , Social origins of dictatorship and democracy: lord and peasant in the making of the modern world , مرکز فناوری اطلاعات و اطلاع رسانی کشاورزی
Zones of state failure are assumed to be anarchic. In reality, communities facing the absence of an effective state authority forge systems of governance to provide modest levels of security … Zones of state failure are assumed to be anarchic. In reality, communities facing the absence of an effective state authority forge systems of governance to provide modest levels of security and rule of law. Nowhere is this phenomenon more evident than in Somalia, where an array of local and regional governance arrangements have emerged since the 1991 collapse of the state. The Somalia case can be used both to document the rise of governance without government in a zone of state collapse and to assess the changing interests of local actors seeking to survive and prosper in a context of state failure. The interests of key actors can and do shift over time as they accrue resources and investments; the shift “from warlord to landlord” gives some actors greater interests in governance and security, but not necessarily in state revival; risk aversion infuses decisionmaking in areas of state failure; and state-building initiatives generally fail to account for the existence of local governance arrangements. The possibilities and problems of the “mediated state model,” in which weak states negotiate political access through existing local authorities, are considerable.
Bargains, deals, and tacit understandings between states and insurgents are common in civil wars. This fascinating mix of conflict and cooperation shapes patterns of politics, governance, and violence. Building on … Bargains, deals, and tacit understandings between states and insurgents are common in civil wars. This fascinating mix of conflict and cooperation shapes patterns of politics, governance, and violence. Building on recent findings about state formation, I offer a conceptual typology of political orders amidst civil war. Wartime political orders vary according to the distribution of territorial control and the level of cooperation between states and insurgents. Orders range from collusion and shared sovereignty to spheres of influence and tacit coexistence to clashing monopolies and guerrilla disorder. Examples from contemporary South Asian conflicts illustrate these concepts, which are scalable and portable across contexts. Scholars need to think more creatively about the political-military arrangements that emerge and evolve during war. A key policy implication is that there are many ways of forging stability without creating a counterinsurgent Leviathan.
This article explores the ethics of the current "War on Terrorism, asking whether anthropology, the discipline devoted to understanding and dealing with cultural difference, can provide us with critical purchase … This article explores the ethics of the current "War on Terrorism, asking whether anthropology, the discipline devoted to understanding and dealing with cultural difference, can provide us with critical purchase on the justifications made for American intervention in Afghanistan in terms of liberating, or saving, Afghan women. I look first at the dangers of reifying culture, apparent in the tendencies to plaster neat cultural icons like the Muslim woman over messy historical and political dynamics. Then, calling attention to the resonances of contemporary discourses on equality, freedom, and rights with earlier colonial and missionary rhetoric on Muslim women, I argue that we need to develop, instead, a serious appreciation of differences among women in the world—as products of different histories, expressions of different circumstances, and manifestations of differently structured desires. Further, I argue that rather than seeking to "save" others (with the superiority it implies and the violences it would entail) we might better think in terms of (1) working with them in situations that we recognize as always subject to historical transformation and (2) considering our own larger responsibilities to address the forms of global injustice that are powerful shapers of the worlds in which they find themselves. I develop many of these arguments about the limits of "cultural relativism" through a consideration of the burqa and the many meanings of veiling in the Muslim world. [Keywords: cultural relativism, Muslim women, Afghanistan war, freedom, global injustice, colonialism]
Journal Article Causes of War: Power and the Roots of Conflict Get access Causes of War: Power and the Roots of Conflict by Stephen Van Evera. Ithaca, NY, Cornell University … Journal Article Causes of War: Power and the Roots of Conflict Get access Causes of War: Power and the Roots of Conflict by Stephen Van Evera. Ithaca, NY, Cornell University Press, 1999. 269 pp. $35.00. George H. Quester George H. Quester University of Maryland Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Political Science Quarterly, Volume 115, Issue 1, Spring 2000, Pages 131–132, https://doi.org/10.2307/2658042 Published: 15 February 2013
Part I. The Structure of Rebel Organizations: 1. The industrial organization of rebellion 2. Four rebel organizations 3. Recruitment 4. Control Part II. The Strategies of Rebel Groups: 5. Governance … Part I. The Structure of Rebel Organizations: 1. The industrial organization of rebellion 2. Four rebel organizations 3. Recruitment 4. Control Part II. The Strategies of Rebel Groups: 5. Governance 6. Violence 7. Resilience 8. Extensions.
Journal Article New patterns of global security in the twenty-first century Get access Barry Buzan Barry Buzan Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International … Journal Article New patterns of global security in the twenty-first century Get access Barry Buzan Barry Buzan Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 67, Issue 3, July 1991, Pages 431–451, https://doi.org/10.2307/2621945 Published: 01 July 1991
This is the first book to examine and compare how rebels govern civilians during civil wars in Latin America, Africa, Asia, and Europe. Drawing from a variety of disciplinary traditions, … This is the first book to examine and compare how rebels govern civilians during civil wars in Latin America, Africa, Asia, and Europe. Drawing from a variety of disciplinary traditions, including political science, sociology, and anthropology, the book provides in-depth case studies of specific conflicts as well as comparative studies of multiple conflicts. Among other themes, the book examines why and how some rebels establish both structures and practices of rule, the role of ideology, cultural, and material factors affecting rebel governance strategies, the impact of governance on the rebel/civilian relationship, civilian responses to rebel rule, the comparison between modes of state and non-state governance to rebel attempts to establish political order, the political economy of rebel governance, and the decline and demise of rebel governance attempts.
Keith Tribe’s new translation presents Economy and Society as it stood when Max Weber died. One of the world’s leading experts on Weber’s thought, Tribe has produced a clear and … Keith Tribe’s new translation presents Economy and Society as it stood when Max Weber died. One of the world’s leading experts on Weber’s thought, Tribe has produced a clear and faithful translation that will become the definitive English edition of one of the few indisputably great intellectual works of the past 150 years.
Preface ix 1. From Ethnocide to Ideocide 1 2. The Civilization of Clashes 15 3. Globalization and Violence 35 4. Fear of Small Numbers 49 5. Our Terrorists, Ourselves 87 … Preface ix 1. From Ethnocide to Ideocide 1 2. The Civilization of Clashes 15 3. Globalization and Violence 35 4. Fear of Small Numbers 49 5. Our Terrorists, Ourselves 87 6. Grassroots Globalization in the Era of Ideocide 115 Bibliography 139 Index 143
Acknowledgements. Organization of the Book. Introduction: Rethinking Theories of the State in an Age of Globalization. Part I: Theoretical Maps: The Classics. Section Introduction. 1. Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses … Acknowledgements. Organization of the Book. Introduction: Rethinking Theories of the State in an Age of Globalization. Part I: Theoretical Maps: The Classics. Section Introduction. 1. Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses (Notes Towards an Investigation): Louis Althusser. 2. Selections from the Prison Notebooks: Antonio Gramsci. 3. Bureaucracy: Max Weber. 4. Notes on the Difficulty of Studying the State: Philip Abrams. 5. Governmentality: Michel Foucault. 6. Governing Advanced Liberal Democracies: Nikolas Rose. Part II: Ethnographic Mappings. Section I: Bureaucracy/Governmentality. 7. Finding the Man in the State: Wendy Brown. 8. Society, Economy, and the State Effect: Timothy Mitchell. 9. Blurred Boundaries: The Discourse of Corruption, the Culture of Politics, and the Imagined State: Akhil Gupta. Section II: Development/Planning. 10. Cities, People, and Language: James Scott. 11. The Anti-Politics Machine: Jim Ferguson. Section III: Welfare/Warfare/Law/Citizenship. 12. The Public/Private Mirage: Mapping Homes and Undomesticating Violence Work in the South Asian Immigrant Community: Ananya Bhattarcharjee. 13. Cultural Logics of Belonging and Movement: Transnationalism, Naturalization, and U.S. Immigration Politics: Susan Bibler Coutin. 14. Making War at Home in the United States: Militarization and the Current Crisis: Catherine Lutz. Section IV: Popular Culture. 15. Popular Culture and the State: Stuart Hall. 16. The Banality of Power and the Aesthetics of Vulgarity in the Postcolony: Achille Mbembe. Index
Wazir Jahan Karim | WORLD SCIENTIFIC eBooks
This study examines the process of state-nation building in Afghanistan’s fragmented society from 2001 to 2021 and its challenges. The research adopts an analytical-complementary approach using qualitative data based on … This study examines the process of state-nation building in Afghanistan’s fragmented society from 2001 to 2021 and its challenges. The research adopts an analytical-complementary approach using qualitative data based on desk studies. Afghanistan’s historical experience indicates that state-nation building has always faced structural and identity-related challenges. After 2001, with the support of the international community, efforts were made to establish a democratic and participatory state. However, the centralization of power and the failure to acknowledge identity diversity hindered the formation of a stable state-nation. The findings suggest that success in this area requires structural reforms, strengthening state institutions, and ensuring the genuine participation of all ethnic groups. Transitioning to a decentralized system, combating corruption, and redefining national identity are among the proposed solutions for achieving a sustainable and democratic state-nation. Afghanistan’s experience over the past two decades demonstrates that without embracing ethnic diversity, strengthening independent institutions, and adopting a comprehensive nation-building approach, achieving lasting stability will remain unattainable.
The article deals mainly with the framing of the Pakistan Armed Forces in Pakistan’s English elite newspapers’ editorials. Three of the very popular Pakistani newspapers i.e., Dawn, The Nation and … The article deals mainly with the framing of the Pakistan Armed Forces in Pakistan’s English elite newspapers’ editorials. Three of the very popular Pakistani newspapers i.e., Dawn, The Nation and The News were selected for this purpose. The editorials from 27 November 2010 to 27 November 2019 were studied to analyze the valence of Pakistan Armed Forces by applying quantitative content Analysis. 814 editorials in total were studied in the newspapers, 300 in Dawn, 346 in The Nation and 168 in The News by using a simple random sampling method. The result of the quantitative content analysis found that Pakistan Armed Forces were framed in the light of opposing valence in selected military tenures. The military regime of General Kayani received the maximum coverage as well as the maximum opposing coverage in all three military tenures i.e., Tenure I – General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani (27 Nov 2010 to 27 Nov 2013), Tenure II – General Raheel Shareef (27 Nov 2013 to 27 Nov 2016) and Tenure III – General Qamar Javed Bajwa (27 Nov 2016 to 27 Nov 2019). The study identified the fact that the mainstream English Newspapers were able to publicly criticize the Armed Forces during the period under review, showing that the Pakistani military is not able to wield influence on the press and the relationship between two of the most important institutions in Pakistan is not in the hands of the military. It spoke volumes about how rotten things were between two of the institutions of the State that matter; The Press and the Military.
Ria Barua | INTERANTIONAL JOURNAL OF SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH IN ENGINEERING AND MANAGEMENT
Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, frequently called the "light of wisdom," turned into a towering parent of the Indian Renaissance. His contributions to training, social reform, and literary improvement in nineteenth-century India … Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, frequently called the "light of wisdom," turned into a towering parent of the Indian Renaissance. His contributions to training, social reform, and literary improvement in nineteenth-century India have left an indelible mark on the cultural and highbrow fabric of the kingdom. This paper explores Vidyasagar's existence, his seminal works, and his profound effect on Indian society. From his advocacy for women's education and widow remarriage to his fantastic contributions to Bengali prose and educational reform, Vidyasagar's legacy remains relevant today. The paper concludes with a reflection on his enduring effect and the lessons present day society can draw from his lifestyles and work. Keywords: Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Indian Renaissance, women’s education, widow remarriage, Bengali prose, social reform, 19th-century India, education reform, Indian society, cultural renaissance.
Abstract This paper offers an economic case for practical pacifism. Practical pacifism, in contrast to absolute pacifism, recognizes that, while it is possible that state-led war may be justified in … Abstract This paper offers an economic case for practical pacifism. Practical pacifism, in contrast to absolute pacifism, recognizes that, while it is possible that state-led war may be justified in some cases, it is extremely difficult to determine if any single instance of war is justified. This leads to a default position of pacifism. Using the tools of economics, we detail the main ways that political institutions are likely to fail and cause harm through warmaking-related activities. Our focus is on the epistemic constraints and incentives facing government actors, as well as the diverse costs and perverse consequences of warmaking. Taking these factors into account strengthens the case for practical pacifism. To date, economists have not engaged the literature on practical pacifism and scholars studying pacifism have not engaged the economic scholarship on political institutions and government failure. Our contribution is to connect the two.
Hint alt kıtası ve Araplar arasındaki ilk ilişkiler antik çağlardan itibaren ticaret yoluyla başlamış ve sonrasında İslam fetihleri yoluyla devam etmiştir. Birbirine uzak bu iki coğrafya toplumlarının arasındaki güçlü bağlar … Hint alt kıtası ve Araplar arasındaki ilk ilişkiler antik çağlardan itibaren ticaret yoluyla başlamış ve sonrasında İslam fetihleri yoluyla devam etmiştir. Birbirine uzak bu iki coğrafya toplumlarının arasındaki güçlü bağlar İslam hükümdarlarının yönetimi sırasında meydana gelmiştir. Arap dünyası ile Hint alt kıtası arasındaki bu yakınlaşma ve alt kıta halkının İslam’ı din olarak seçmesi neticesinde Arapça bölgeye tesir eden bir dil haline gelerek Urdu dilinde değişimlere sebep olan başlıca aktörlerden biri olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. Arapça, İslam dininin dili olduğundan dinî metinlerin dili olarak kabul görmüş; kelime dağarcığı, kalıp ifadeler ve tamlamalar aracılığıyla Urdu dili üzerinde yoğun etkiler bırakmıştır. Bu etkilerin anlaşılması adına çalışmamızda tarihsel kaynaklar analiz edilmiş ve dilbilimsel veriler incelenmiştir. Analizler, Arapçanın Urdu dilinin kelime hazinesini zenginleştirdiğini, bazı kelimelerin Urdu dilinde anlam değişimi, anlam genişlemesi veya daralması yaşadığını göstermiştir. Arapçadan ödünç alınan kalıp ifadelerin Urdu toplumunun hem günlük yaşamında hem de edebiyatında yaygın olarak kullanıldığı ortaya çıkmıştır. Arapça, Urdu dilinin çok katmanlı yapısını ve dilsel zenginliğini oluşturmuş; İslam kültürünün ve edebî mirasın korunmasında önemli bir rol oynamıştır. Arapça ve Urdu dili arasındaki etkileşim, İslam kültürünün yayılıp korunmasına ve dilsel çeşitliliğin korunmasına katkı sağlamıştır. Bu çalışma, Arapçanın Urdu dili üzerindeki dilsel etkilerini tarihsel olarak ele almayı ve İslam kültürünün Urdu dilindeki yansımalarını incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır.
Chitra Krishnan , Masihullah Nemat | International Journal of Entrepreneurship and Small Business
Because political instability in Pakistan has significant effects on both regional stability and the efficacy of governance, it is an important topic of discussion. Comprehending the socio-political dynamics of the … Because political instability in Pakistan has significant effects on both regional stability and the efficacy of governance, it is an important topic of discussion. Comprehending the socio-political dynamics of the area is imperative in order to devise efficacious policies and promote sustainable development. Through an examination of both internal socio-political dynamics and their regional ramifications, this study seeks to analyse the factors that contribute to political instability in Pakistan. Pakistan is the specific country of study in this research. Key players in Pakistani politics and governance, such as academics, policymakers, and representatives of civil society, make up the sample. Purposive sampling is used to select about fifty participants for qualitative interviews in order to ensure a diverse range of viewpoints. The interviews are used to determine the sample size. In response to the research, the main causes of Pakistan's political instability are systemic corruption, socioeconomic disparities, and regional tensions. This emphasises the necessity of comprehensive governance reforms and conflict resolution techniques. The results highlight how urgently Pakistan must prioritise institutional reforms targeted at thwarting corruption and boosting governance's transparency. Reducing grievances that contribute to instability and promoting social cohesion require inclusive policies that address socioeconomic disparities. Additionally, encouraging regional communication and cooperation can lessen tensions across borders, which will help to create a political climate that is more stable. In the face of socio-political challenges, Pakistan must implement these policy recommendations in order to strengthen its governance framework and steer towards sustainable development.
Bu çalışma, Antonio Negri ve Michael Hardt’ın geliştirdikleri İmparatorluk ve Çokluk tezleri çerçevesinde küreselleşme sürecine dair kapsamlı bir yorum sunmayı hedeflemektedir. Negri ve Hardt’a göre, İmparatorluk, küreselleşmenin yarattığı yeni düzen … Bu çalışma, Antonio Negri ve Michael Hardt’ın geliştirdikleri İmparatorluk ve Çokluk tezleri çerçevesinde küreselleşme sürecine dair kapsamlı bir yorum sunmayı hedeflemektedir. Negri ve Hardt’a göre, İmparatorluk, küreselleşmenin yarattığı yeni düzen içinde iktidarın işleyiş biçimini açıklayan bir kuram olarak ortaya çıkmış, egemenliğin ulusal sınırların ötesine geçerek dünya genelinde yeni bir iktidar formu yarattığını iddia etmiştir. Bu bağlamda, İmparatorluk kavramı yalnızca bir yönetim biçimini değil, aynı zamanda küresel ölçekte iktidarın nasıl yeniden tanımlandığını ve değişen egemenlik yapılarının doğasını da incelemektedir. Çalışmada, İmparatorluk ve Çokluk kavramlarının kapsamlı bir analizi yapılmakta; bu kavramlar ışığında küreselleşmenin ulus-devlet yapıları, egemenlik ilişkileri ve emek üzerindeki etkileri ayrıntılı olarak ele alınmaktadır. Ayrıca, Hardt ve Negri'nin tezlerine yöneltilen eleştiriler incelenmekte ve bu kuramların günümüz dünyasında geçerliliğini koruyup korumadığına dair tartışmalara yer verilmektedir.
Abstract In the past two decades, many steps have been taken to improve the education sector. International NGOs, sponsors, donors and partners along with the government of Afghanistan have invested … Abstract In the past two decades, many steps have been taken to improve the education sector. International NGOs, sponsors, donors and partners along with the government of Afghanistan have invested heavily in the education system to improve literacy across the country, but the country still faces many challenges in this sector. Despite, access to education is the right of every child and youth, government is also responsible to create opportunity for quality education for its people by spending money and using resources. It is a fact that the government of Afghanistan has implemented many policies and achieved the objectives of quantitative and qualitative goals, but the outcomes are very insufficient. It should also be mentioned that the state of education system before two decades is not comparable with 2021 in any way, so many initiatives been taken in this sector as investment in the vital pillar of economic growth. It is also a fact that, the education system faced serious and crippling challenges in the last twenty years, which have had a direct impact on the economic growth and the development process in medium and long terms. This article will highlight the main challenges in education system of Afghanistan in the last 20 years and its impact on economic growth will be determined. It will also explain the impact of these challenges on quality of education in the different sectors by descriptive research and empirical analysis to evaluate the available evidence. Keywords: barriers, education, economics, growth, Afghanistan.
This paper introduces the historical context in which the institution of the Pir evolved in Bengal from the medieval era to the colonial period. Drawing on varied sources – authoritative … This paper introduces the historical context in which the institution of the Pir evolved in Bengal from the medieval era to the colonial period. Drawing on varied sources – authoritative studies and primary data – it sets out the processes of Islamisation that took place in Bengal, in particular drawing on Richard M Eaton’s theoretical model for the pre-modern period. In what follows it highlights that Pirs had played significant role in this process, but not necessarily in the way that is often popularly perceived; thus, this article partially revises the traditional Pir-centred narrative of Bengal’s Islamisation. In later periods, Pirs mobilised deltaic people for clearing the forest and enhancing rice production, they acted as mediators between the rulers and the ruled, and contributed to the institutionalisation of Islam locally. Over time, Pir-centred norms, rituals, and practices became so entrenched in the region that some factions of nineteenth-century Islamic revivalist movements, which shook Bengali Muslims with their enthusiasm for introducing ‘pure’ Islam by eradicating Pir-centred practices, were themselves ‘tainted’ by Pirism.
N. Gupta , Daljit Kaur | International journal of research and scientific innovation
The paper examines Fatehpur Sikri, an ancient city that was temporarily used as a capital by Emperor Akbar during the 16th century. It discusses the city’s monumental architecture, design, and … The paper examines Fatehpur Sikri, an ancient city that was temporarily used as a capital by Emperor Akbar during the 16th century. It discusses the city’s monumental architecture, design, and integration of Persian, Islamic, and Hindu styles of architecture. He constructed it to commemorate the birth of his son, Salim, and it gained recognition for its religious association with the Sufi saint Salim Chishti. The research discusses popular landmarks such as the Ibadat Khana, Diwan-i-Khas, and the Salim Chishti mausoleum, discussing their distinct designs and significance. Though the city was deserted shortly after its construction, it stays a testament to his progressive leadership and regard for other religions. The paper underlines in which ways religious tolerance, Sufi Spiritualism, and political legitimacy, converged in the built landscape. Overall, the research concludes that for all its brief period as a capital city, the city left an enduring mark on India’s cultural and architectural heritage as its architecture is one of the finest of Mughal art. It is the symbol of political authority with syncretic architecture and influence from amalgamation of diverse cultures.
This research paper offers a critical and in-depth examination of how television news channels in India and internationally framed, narrated, and presented the escalating tensions between India and Pakistan, particularly … This research paper offers a critical and in-depth examination of how television news channels in India and internationally framed, narrated, and presented the escalating tensions between India and Pakistan, particularly focusing on the volatile pre-war context surrounding the 2019 Pulwama-Balakot incident. The study is rooted in the theoretical framework of media framing and employs qualitative content analysis as its primary methodology to dissect the contrasting editorial strategies, linguistic features, emotional tones, and visual choices employed by both Indian and global broadcasters. The investigation seeks to understand how nationalistic fervor, geopolitical orientations, and varying degrees of editorial freedom contribute to the formation of media narratives during times of high-stakes international conflict. By comparing Indian television news coverage—typically characterized by heightened emotionality, patriotic rhetoric, and often aggressive posturing—with the more measured, diplomatically cautious, and globally contextualized reporting by international channels like BBC, CNN, and Al Jazeera, the study underscores fundamental divergences in tone, content, and perspective. It delves into the specific ways in which media houses cater to their respective audience expectations and national interests, revealing how these factors inevitably shape the way a conflict is portrayed. For Indian media, the emphasis tends to be on mobilizing public sentiment, reinforcing national unity, and echoing state narratives, whereas international media often strive for a more balanced, investigative, and detached portrayal aimed at global audiences. The study finds that Indian television news was more likely to use emotionally charged language, dramatic visuals, and overtly nationalistic messaging in its coverage of the Pulwama attack and India’s retaliatory airstrike in Balakot. In contrast, international media outlets prioritized diplomatic responses, questioned military claims more frequently, and provided broader regional and historical contexts. By analyzing the interplay between editorial decision-making and geopolitical positioning, the research reveals how domestic and international priorities—such as political climate, public opinion pressures, and strategic alliances—play a crucial role in constructing news narratives. It discusses how these diverging portrayals not only inform but also influence public opinion, diplomatic engagement, and policy formulation in both domestic and international arenas. Ultimately, this paper highlights the power of the media as an actor in international relations, not just a mirror of events. It emphasizes the need for critical media literacy and the importance of understanding the underlying motivations behind how news is framed—particularly in conflict zones where truth, perception, and influence can significantly diverge.
The dominant perceptions about the Islamists are that of rigid, uncompromising and anti-democratic actors. The objective of this article was to ascertain the reality behind such claims. A case in … The dominant perceptions about the Islamists are that of rigid, uncompromising and anti-democratic actors. The objective of this article was to ascertain the reality behind such claims. A case in point is Jamāt-e-Islāmī Pakistan (JI) which is blamed for its tactical support to the authoritarian regime of General Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq during the years 1977-88, and resultantly being labelled as an anti-democratic force. Prominent works authored by distinguished scholars were explored to ascertain the reality behind this claim. One-to-one interviews were also conducted to cross-verify the facts. The party’s decisions during this period were analytically reviewed with the help of background context. This study found that the main concerns of the party during the Zia period were the implementation of Nizam-e-Mustafa as demanded by the anti-Bhutto movement, early elections and avoidance of any confrontation with state institutions. When the party realized that the methods adopted by the incumbent regime contradicted JI’s vision, the party stalwarts started criticizing the regime. Due to the Afghan issue and the previous experience of the Bhutto regime, the party did not join the opposition movement led by Pakistan Peoples Party. However, the party vehemently opposed the dictatorial stance of Zia’s sympathizers in the higher courts. Resultantly, criticism of the military regime costed the party in the form of the neutralization of its student organization (Islāmī Jamiat-e-Talaba) and the dismissal of its city government of Karachi. Based on these facts, claiming the Islamists as being non-democratic falls short of being convincing proofs. The study transpired that JI, through a pragmatic approach, has continuously tried to synthesise Islamic politics with democratic norms as per its own understanding.
Gûrlu Devleti’nin Kuzey Hindistan’da gerçekleştirdiği fetihlerle başlayan Delhi Sultanlığı’nın teşekkül sürecinde iklimin etkisi, güncel paleoklimatoloji (iklimbilim) çalışmalarında bu hususa sıklıkla vurgu yapılmasına rağmen, yeterince incelenmemiştir. Üstelik Merkezî Asya ve Kuzey … Gûrlu Devleti’nin Kuzey Hindistan’da gerçekleştirdiği fetihlerle başlayan Delhi Sultanlığı’nın teşekkül sürecinde iklimin etkisi, güncel paleoklimatoloji (iklimbilim) çalışmalarında bu hususa sıklıkla vurgu yapılmasına rağmen, yeterince incelenmemiştir. Üstelik Merkezî Asya ve Kuzey Hindistan arasındaki yağış rejimi farklılığının, devletin kuruluşunda teşvik edici bir etki yaratmış olabileceğine dair tezler çoğunlukla ana kaynaklardan elde edilmiş kanıtlardan yoksundur. Bu nedenle bu çalışmada XII. yüzyılın ikinci yarısından itibaren Gûrlu Devleti’nin çekirdek toprakları (Gûr, Gazne, Kâbil, Belh) ile Kuzey Hindistan arasındaki askerî, ticarî ve insanî hareketlilikte olağanüstü iklim koşullarının etkisine işaret eden yazılı kanıtlar sunulmuş ve sorgulanmıştır. Derlenen kıtlık ve kuraklık kayıtları, bu süreçte Kuzey Hindistan’da Delhi Sultanlığı’nı kuran Türk unsurlar da dahil olmak üzere Merkezî Asya kavimleri için bir cazibe merkezi yaratacak olumlu bir iklim etkisine işaret etmemektedir. Zorluğu ve verimsizliği ile bilinen Gûrlu topraklarında ise her şeye rağmen şehirli nüfusun iaşesinin, tekrar eden olağanüstü hava olayları nedeniyle bir kesintiye uğramadığı anlaşılmaktadır. İskândaki bu devamlılığın temel nedeni olarak bölge insanının kullandığı hidrolik teknolojiler ile göçebelik/ yarı-göçebelik gibi iklimbilimcilerin sıklıkla gözden kaçırdığı direnç-uyum mekanizmaları öne çıkmaktadır. Ayarıca ana kaynaklarda şehirlerin kısa süreli terk edilmesinin temel nedeni olarak Gûrlular ile Hâremzmşâhlar arasındaki siyasi rekabetin yarattığı istikrarsızlık vurgulanmaktadır. Delhi Sultanlığı’nın kuruluşunda olumlu iklim şartlarının yarattığı tarımsal üretim artışının etkisi ise sağlıklı vekil veriler ile kesintisiz yerleşimlerden gelecek arkeolojik kanıtlara muhtaçtır
This study critically examines the transformation of India’s strategic and nuclear posture under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, highlighting its destabilizing effects on South Asia’s deterrence equilibrium and the evolving trilateral … This study critically examines the transformation of India’s strategic and nuclear posture under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, highlighting its destabilizing effects on South Asia’s deterrence equilibrium and the evolving trilateral dynamics with Pakistan and China. Through a qualitative interpretivist approach, integrating documentary analysis, discourse analysis, and deterrence theory, the research traces India’s doctrinal shift from credible minimum deterrence to a more assertive, flexible posture, characterized by Cold Start operationalization, ambiguity surrounding No First Use, and rapid force modernization including S-400 systems, hypersonic weapons, and deepened U.S. defense ties via LEMOA, COMCASA, and BECA. Pakistan’s response, grounded in Full Spectrum Deterrence and lowered nuclear thresholds, underscores a growing security dilemma, while China’s expanding strategic presence through CPEC, LAC tensions, and Indo-Pacific competition forces India to navigate a complex two-front scenario. The study argues that without urgent arms control, crisis management frameworks, and regional dialogue, this triadic configuration risks inadvertent escalation, miscalculation, and long-term strategic instability in one of the world’s most volatile nuclear theatres.
Purpose This research aims to examine the impact of the Taliban’s comeback on the power relations among regional powers and the alterations in amity and enmity within the Gulf Arab … Purpose This research aims to examine the impact of the Taliban’s comeback on the power relations among regional powers and the alterations in amity and enmity within the Gulf Arab Security Complex. Design/methodology/approach This research employed a qualitative research methodology to examine the implications of the Taliban regime within the context of the Gulf Security Complex. The analysis depended on Barry Buzan’s theoretical logic of “security” through the lens of the Regional Security Governance concept. Findings The research findings indicate that the Taliban’s comeback and its rhetoric have significantly affected the sectarian and geopolitical dynamics in the Gulf countries, hence impacting the Gulf Security Complex. Originality/value This research contributes to ongoing debates about the Taliban’s role as a local political group within the Gulf Arab Security Complex. Several Gulf Arab countries are reevaluating their approach to the Taliban’s policies, which differ from the initial governance characterized by a binary opposition between Saudi Arabia and Iran, alongside many stable international military bases in the Gulf Arab region. It provides insight into the emerging dynamics within the Gulf Arab Security Complex.
Erken Cumhuriyet döneminde izlenen tüm politikalar, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin kuruluşunda belirleyici olan tam bağımsızlık hedefine uygun olarak şekillendi. Türkiye’yi bulunduğu coğrafyada güçlü ve dünyada söz sahibi bir devlet haline getirmeye gayret … Erken Cumhuriyet döneminde izlenen tüm politikalar, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin kuruluşunda belirleyici olan tam bağımsızlık hedefine uygun olarak şekillendi. Türkiye’yi bulunduğu coğrafyada güçlü ve dünyada söz sahibi bir devlet haline getirmeye gayret eden kurucu kadronun azim ve kararlılığı tarihi süreçte bazı ülkeler için de örnek teşkil etti. Türkiye’nin Afganistan ile ilişkilerinde de izlenen bu durum, iki ülke arasındaki dostluk ve iş birliğinin gelişmesinde önemli rol oynadı. Zorlu bir istiklal mücadelesinden zaferle çıkan Türk ordusunun örnek alınabileceği fikri, sancılı bir bağımsızlık süreci geçiren Afganistan’ın Türkiye’den askerî destek talebini doğurdu. Türkiye’nin talebi kabulünün ardından, Afgan ordusunu, Türk ordusuna benzer bir şekilde, yeniden teşkilatlandırmak için seçilen Türk askerî personeli 1923’te Afganistan’a gönderildi. Afgan ordusunun ıslahını hedefleyen ve askerî eğitim alanında başlatılan çalışmalar zaman zaman kesintiye uğramakla birlikte uzun yıllar devam etti. Afgan ve Türk hükümetleri arasında gelişen yakın ilişkide her iki ülke için önemli faydalar görülmekteydi. Afganistan Türkiye’nin desteğini alarak askerî gücünü modernize etmeyi hedeflerken Türkiye de askerî kabiliyetlerini kullanarak kendi coğrafyasındaki gücünü uluslararası camiaya gösterebilecekti. Atatürk döneminde tesis edilen yakın ilişki, İnönü ve Demokrat Parti döneminde de gelişerek devam etti. Türk heyetleri Afganistan’daki görevlerine devam ederken iki ülke arasındaki yakınlığın artmasına da katkı sağladı. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Türk-Afgan ilişkilerinin gelişimi sürecinde Erken Cumhuriyet döneminde Afganistan’a gönderilen askerî eğitim heyetlerinin incelenmesidir. Türk-Afgan ilişkilerinde önemli bir unsur olan ve Türk Talim Heyeti olarak bilinen bu heyetlerin faaliyetlerine yönelik inceleme Türk arşivlerindeki belge ve bilgilere dayanılarak yapılmıştır.
Oktafiani Catur Pratiwi , Bowo Sugiarto | SALASIKA Indonesian Journal of Gender Women Child and Social Inclusion s Studies
The objective of this study is to elucidate the motivations and risks encountered by female poll workers (KPPS) who served at the village level during the 2019 general elections in … The objective of this study is to elucidate the motivations and risks encountered by female poll workers (KPPS) who served at the village level during the 2019 general elections in Banyumas Regency. There has been very little study on the motivation and risks of KPPS members as the front-line behind the election success. Existing research has mostly focused on the implementation of the policy to ensure 30% political participation by women. This study, employing qualitative methodology, demonstrates that there are a minimum of three primary motivations that drive women to join as KPPS members in Banyumas Regency. Firstly, their established track record and expertise in coordinating general elections motivated them. Second, having a history as a social activist served as a driving force to actively engage in the process of organizing the election. The closeness and patron-client relationships with the village head and village officials served as a source of motivation. The female poll workers faced a minimum of three risks. Firstly, working in a patriarchal culture posed a danger, as it tended to restrict women's employment opportunities in the private sector. Furthermore, there was a potential risk of assuming only a complementary role. Moreover, the patron-client political structure at the village level posed vulnerabilities. The primary discovery of this study is that female KPPS members who had a proven activist past exhibit more self-assurance in their participation, as opposed to those who were solely recruited based on their closeness to village elites and their patron-client ties with such elites.
An analysis has been conducted on the current geostrategic situation of the ‎Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The internal, regional, and international situation of ‎Pakistan, the only nuclear-armed state of Islamic … An analysis has been conducted on the current geostrategic situation of the ‎Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The internal, regional, and international situation of ‎Pakistan, the only nuclear-armed state of Islamic world, has been analyzed. Against the ‎backdrop of territorial disputes between regional states, the main elements threatening ‎Pakistan's national security have been discussed. The impact of the ongoing global ‎power struggles on Pakistan has been analyzed. The interests of major powers within the ‎context of Pakistan have been highlighted. A brief analysis of the challenges and ‎opportunities Pakistan faces due to its geostrategic position has been conducted. From a ‎military perspective, it has been demonstrated how critical the territorial factor is for ‎Pakistan in a potential conventional war with India. A brief analysis of Pakistan's defense ‎strategy and military power has been provided. The key outlines of Pakistan's nuclear ‎doctrine have been shown. Attention has been drawn to the dangerous nature of the ‎‎"Hindutva" ideology of the current Indian government, which is attempting to create ‎hegemony in the region. The analysis also includes India’s rapid economic growth and its ‎increasing military spending, which has placed it among the top in the global arms race.‎
The Taliban's decision to ban women’s education in Afghanistan has drawn widespread international criticism, but its deeper political motives warrant a thorough analysis. This research investigates the underlying political strategies … The Taliban's decision to ban women’s education in Afghanistan has drawn widespread international criticism, but its deeper political motives warrant a thorough analysis. This research investigates the underlying political strategies and objectives behind this controversial policy. By employing a secondary data-based approach, the study examines how the Taliban leverages education restrictions to consolidate power, maintain social control, and reinforce traditional patriarchal structures. The analysis also explores how these policies serve as tools for mitigating internal dissent, fostering ideological conformity, and negotiating with the international community for aid and recognition. Through the lens of political theories and qualitative content analysis, the paper uncovers how the Taliban’s educational restrictions reflect broader authoritarian strategies to preserve their regime's stability while managing complex domestic and international pressures. This study contributes to a nuanced understanding of the interplay between politics, ideology, and gender in contemporary Afghanistan.
Refugees are people who have been forced to leave their home countries in search of protection across international borders because of various forms of persecution, conflict, violence, or abuses of … Refugees are people who have been forced to leave their home countries in search of protection across international borders because of various forms of persecution, conflict, violence, or abuses of their human rights. This study explores the complex interplay of cultural identity and lived experiences among Afghan women refugees residing in the provincial capital Quetta of Balochistan, Pakistan. Utilizing a questionnaire survey of 100 Afghan respondents, this study investigates the impacts of border crossings and sociopolitical dynamics on Afghan women refugees' identities. The findings indicate that while many Afghan women retain a strong connection to their cultural roots, there is a notable influence from host country cultures, leading to the emergence of mixed identities. Despite positive perceptions about their Afghan identity being strengthened through the experiences of migration, challenges such as discrimination, lack of community support, and language barriers impede their ability to express and maintain their cultural heritage fully. The results also emphasize the need for community resources and support systems to facilitate social integration, while helping to preserve cultural identity. These findings contribute to a deeper understanding of identity formation among Afghan women refugees and highlight the importance of community engagement in fostering a sense of belonging and cultural preservation across borders.
ئه‌ڤ ڤه‌كولینه‌ ل سه‌ر پارچه‌كا گرنگه‌ ژ سیاسه‌تا یا ئه‌مریكا لسه‌رده‌مێ کارگێرییا جۆرج بۆشى كور هه‌مبه‌رى رۆژهه‌لاتا ناڤین دناڤبه‌را 2001تا 2003ێ: ئه‌فغانستان و عێراق وه‌ك نموونه‌. ئه‌ڤ ڤه‌ كولینه‌ هژماره‌كا … ئه‌ڤ ڤه‌كولینه‌ ل سه‌ر پارچه‌كا گرنگه‌ ژ سیاسه‌تا یا ئه‌مریكا لسه‌رده‌مێ کارگێرییا جۆرج بۆشى كور هه‌مبه‌رى رۆژهه‌لاتا ناڤین دناڤبه‌را 2001تا 2003ێ: ئه‌فغانستان و عێراق وه‌ك نموونه‌. ئه‌ڤ ڤه‌ كولینه‌ هژماره‌كا گرنگا به‌لگه‌نامه‌ و راپورتێن رۆژنامه‌ڤانى یێن گرنگ لدۆر سیاسه‌تا کارگێرییا بۆشێ كور هه‌مبه‌رى رۆژهه‌لاتا ناڤین بكاردئینتن. بهزرا ڤه‌كوله‌رێن ڤێ ڤه‌كولینێ، ئه‌ڤ ڤه‌كولینه‌ تاكه‌ ڤاكولینه‌ لسه‌ر ڤى ماوێ گرنگ و ب ژێده‌رێن ده‌ستپێكى یێن به‌رى نها نه‌هاتین بكارئینان بزمانێ كوردى هاتیه‌ ڤه‌كولینكرن. کارگێرییا بۆشێ كور زۆر پێنگاڤێن بهێز ژبۆ به‌ره‌ڤانیكرنا هزرێن سیاسه‌تا ده‌رڤه‌ یا ئه‌مریكا یا پشتى شه‌رێ سار. ئێرشا تیرۆرستان یا 11ئه‌یلۆڵا2001ێ گڤاشتن لسه‌ر سه‌رۆكێ ئه‌مریكا بۆشێ كور كرن كو سیاسه‌تێن كه‌ڤن یێن چاڤترساندنێ ژناڤببه‌تن، ده‌ست پێشخه‌رییه‌كا نوى داهێنا ژبۆ ئه‌مریكا ژبۆ دورستكرنا ئاشتیێ، هه‌بوونێ و ئازادیێ برێكا چاندنا توڤێ دیموكراسیێ. کارگێرییا بۆشێ كور بگرنگیڤه‌ به‌رێ خوودا دیموكراسیێ بوو به‌رژه‌وه‌ندیێن ئاسایشا نه‌ته‌وایه‌تى یا ئه‌مریكا، ژبۆ ئاشتیا جیهانێ و هه‌بوونا وێ. وه‌كو زلهێزا بتنێ یا جیهانێ کارگێرییا بۆشێ كور باوه‌ردكر كو به‌رپرسیاره‌تییا ئه‌مریكایه‌ كو ئازادیێ بینتن جیهانا شارستانیێ ب تایبه‌تى ل رۆژهه‌لاتا ناڤین. سیاسه‌تا ده‌رڤه‌ یا کارگێرییا بۆشێ كور ل دوو جهان ل رۆژهه‌لاتا ناڤین ده‌ستپێكر تاكو بشێن ئازادیێ، ڤه‌كرنێ، هێڤى، ئارامى و دیموكراسیێ ل ئه‌فغانستان و عێراقێ بچه‌سپینتن. سیاسه‌تا ده‌رڤه‌ یا کارگێرییا بۆشێ كور ژبۆ چه‌سپاندنا دیموكراتیه‌تێ ل رۆژهه‌لاتا ناڤین دگه‌ل عێراق و ئه‌فغانستانێ نه‌راوه‌ستیان. هه‌روه‌سا كارتێكرنا ل پرۆسێسا ئاشتیا عه‌ره‌بى وئیسرائیلى كرن. بنیاتێ هێزا ئێك جه‌مسه‌رى یا نیڤده‌وله‌تى هێزا ئه‌مریكا سنۆردار نه‌كر. پشتى ئێرشا تیرۆرستیا 11ئه‌یلۆڵا2001ێ لسه‌ر ئه‌مریكا و کارگێرییا بۆشێ كور زه‌نگا شه‌رێ بدژى تیرۆرێ لێدا. شه‌رێ ب دژى تیرۆرێ به‌رێ ئه‌مریكا دا ئه‌فغانستان و عێراقێ. ئه‌مریكا بهێن ته‌نگ بوو دگه‌ل بزاڤێن به‌رێ یێن سیاسه‌تا ده‌رڤه‌ ژبوو په‌یداكرنا ئاشتیێ و ئارامیێ ل رۆژهه‌لاتا ناڤین. سیاسه‌تا ئه‌مریكا بهوشیارى د دورستكرنا دیموكراسیێ و شرۆڤه‌ێن دیموكراسیا ناڤخۆیى بوو. جیهانا ئێك جه‌مسه‌رى رێكێن ده‌لیڤیان دان ئه‌مریكا كو ڤێ هه‌وا بهێز وه‌رگرتن. وه‌كو زلهێزا بتنێ یا جیهانێ، دبه‌رژه‌وه‌ندیێن گرنگێن ئه‌مریكا بوو كو ئابۆرێ،هه‌ڤ په‌یمانێن خوو بپارێزتن و رابیتن دورستكرنا باروودۆخان لدویڤ حه‌زا سه‌ركرده‌ێن خوو. سه‌رۆكێ ئه‌مریكا بۆشێ كور كێماتییا هێزێ د جیهانا ئێك جه‌مسه‌ریدا بكاردئینا ژبۆ ئه‌مریكا ژبۆ سه‌ركێشیا ئه‌مریكا ژبۆ جێ به‌جێ كرنا ئارمانجێن سیاسه‌تا خۆیا ده‌رڤه‌ و بده‌ستڤه‌ئینانا وانا برێكا زێده‌كرنا ستراتییجییا بكارئینا هێزا له‌شكه‌رى یا سیاسه‌تا ده‌رڤه‌ یا ئه‌مریكا ل رۆژهه‌لاتا ناڤین.
The main aim of this paper is to find out whether the wars, particularly the Israel-Palestine war, have impacted the 16th SDG or not. Our study found out that this … The main aim of this paper is to find out whether the wars, particularly the Israel-Palestine war, have impacted the 16th SDG or not. Our study found out that this goal is under fire as the globe is witnessing a steep rise in armed conflicts, be it in the European region or West Asia which is always riddled with violence and wars. We have collected data on various indices and indicators like the Happiness Index, GDP per capita, and the Hunger Index to show how the war has hampered the targets set by the 16th SDG and other SDGs as well and also compared it with data of similar war-torn countries like Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan to conclude how war impacts various parameters of the country. Our research also found that this war has left its imprint on society, the economy, and on diplomatic relations. This has severely impacted many goals set up in both the regions and across the globe as well. For example, trade relations between India and Israel have been severely impacted, the Humanitarian crisis is also a major issue in the war-torn area of Palestine where bombs are continuously bombarded on hospitals, refugee camps, etc. The War has also resulted in regional tensions between US and Yemeni forces and has resulted in more violence. We also highlighted the importance of the UN in aiding the development of war-torn regions and nations and also focus on their failure to protect innocent people which is a setback to justice. The main issue lies in the misuse of veto powers of the permanent members; it is used by countries to suit their own motives and thus a resolution could not be reached for a cease-fire or humanitarian aid. We set out with a theory that “The UN (a strong institution) is powerful and successful enough to stop wars and promote peace,” we will provide several instances to help ascertain whether this theory is correct or not.
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Objective. The study aims to identify external and internal factors influencing the legal status of prisoners of war during the Second World War. Methods. To achieve this goal, an interdisciplinary … Objective. The study aims to identify external and internal factors influencing the legal status of prisoners of war during the Second World War. Methods. To achieve this goal, an interdisciplinary approach was used, which consisted in studying the status of prisoners of war in the historical context. The following methods of scientific knowledge were used in the study: comparative, which allowed to compare the situation of British, Japanese and German prisoners of war; application of the historical and legal method made it possible to follow the changes in the legal status of prisoners of war of different countries at different stages of the war; use of a of a systematic approach, together with the methods of analysis and synthesis, allowed to identify a set of factors that influenced the status of prisoners of war. Results. The study has determined that the legal status of prisoners of war during World War II was regulated by the Geneva Conventions. These international documents established the rules and standards for the protection of prisoners of war during armed conflicts, as well as the responsibilities of the Powers that held them. Scientific novelty. The article shows that the status of a prisoner of war was influenced by ideological and utilitarian factors. The ideological approach to a prisoner of war was based on the perception of the latter not only as a military enemy, but also as an ideological enemy, turning him into an object of violence and ill-treatment. Utilitarian factors depended on the stage of the war, the number of prisoners, and the economic potential of the country that held the prisoners of war. Although the belligerents generally tried to comply with the terms of the Geneva Convention, there were numerous violations of the Convention, which resulted in harm to the health or death of a prisoner of war. Practical significance. The theoretical provisions of the study can be used: in research work - to deepen scientific knowledge and create the necessary theoretical framework for the international legal regime of prisoners of war; in scientific and educational activities - for the preparation and improvement of educational and methodological textbooks, when teaching in higher education institutions such normative disciplines and special courses as “Public International Law”, “International Humanitarian Law”.
There has been a discernible pattern to terrorist violence, with the 1990s being the most stable and the 2000s being the deadliest in terms of terrorist activities. The patterns of … There has been a discernible pattern to terrorist violence, with the 1990s being the most stable and the 2000s being the deadliest in terms of terrorist activities. The patterns of sectarian violence have been distinct from those of ethnic and non-sectarian religious terrorism.Pakistan has suffered greatly from terrorism, especially since 9/11, with significant losses to its infrastructure, economic, and human lives. The present status of the topic will be investigated using this analysis. Poverty, illiteracy, grievances, inequality, the judicial system, human rights abuses, official repression, etc. are the major factors of terrorism. The war in Afghanistan prepared the way for the emergence of sectarian violence. There is a lack of checks and balances in the madrasa education system. Terrorism has proven to be too much for civil institutions to handle, especially when it comes to education that addresses such current issues that the world is facing. Social justice and socioeconomic problems have been connected to terrorism. Through military operations and bilateral and multinational diplomacy, there are a number of strategies to eradicate the underlying causes of terrorism. Important tactics included the National Action Plan, anti-terrorist finance initiatives, and the strengthening of NACTA. Education reforms, economic growth, tighter anti-terror finance regulations, improved inter-agency collaboration, and the implementation of a sustained counter - narrative campaign are all essential to address the deep seated origins of extremist ideologies. These actions are essential for reducing terrorism and promoting enduring peace.