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Balkans: History, Politics, Society

Works Count: 44861

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This cluster of papers explores the cultural, historical, and social dynamics in the Balkans, focusing on topics such as nationalism, identity, memory, conflict, and the legacy of Yugoslavia. It delves into the complexities of ethnic and religious relations, post-war challenges, and the construction of national narratives in Eastern Europe.

Keywords

Balkans; Nationalism; Identity; Memory; Conflict; Yugoslavia; Ethnicity; Religion; Post-war; Eastern Europe

The Balkans : nationalism, war and the great powers 1804-1999

2000-01-01

Misha Glenny

The Serbs: history, myth and the destruction of Yugoslavia

1997-09-01

Tim Judah

Journalist Tim classic account, now brought fully up to date to include the overthrow of Milosevic, the assassination of Zoran Djindic, the breakaway of Kosovo, and the arrest of Radovan … Journalist Tim classic account, now brought fully up to date to include the overthrow of Milosevic, the assassination of Zoran Djindic, the breakaway of Kosovo, and the arrest of Radovan Karadzic. Praise for the first edition: A lively and balanced history of the Serbs.-Aleksa Djilas, New York Times Book Review writes splendidly. . . .The story he tells does much to explain both the Serb obsession with the treachery of outsiders and their quasi-religious faith in the eventual founding, or rather reestablishment, of the Serbian state.-Mark Danner, New York Review of Books Judah's book is probably the best attempt to date to explain the calamitous situation of the Serbs today through a meticulous consideration of the Serb past.-David Rieff, Toronto Globe and Mail Tim Judah was Balkans correspondent for the London Times and the Economist, and has been a frequent contributor The New York Review of Books.

Winning ugly: NATO's war to save Kosovo

2001-03-01

Ivo H. Daalder , Michael O’Hanlon

After eleven weeks of bombing in the spring of 1999, the United States and NATO ultimately won the war in Kosovo. Serbian troops were forced to withdraw, enabling an international … After eleven weeks of bombing in the spring of 1999, the United States and NATO ultimately won the war in Kosovo. Serbian troops were forced to withdraw, enabling an international military and political presence to take charge in the region. But was this war inevitable or was it the product of failed western diplomacy prior to the conflict? And once it became necessary to use force, did NATO adopt a sound strategy to achieve its aims of stabilizing Kosovo? In this first in-depth study of the Kosovo crisis, Ivo Daalder and Michael O'Hanlon answer these and other questions about the causes, conduct, and consequences of the war. Based on interviews with many of the key participants, they conclude that notwithstanding important diplomatic mistakes before the conflict, it would have been difficult to avoid the Kosovo war. That being the case, U.S. and NATO conduct of the war left much to be desired. For more than four weeks, the Serbs succeeded where NATO failed, forcefully changing Kosovo's ethnic balance by forcing 1.5 million Albanians from their home and more than 800,000 from the country. Had they chosen to massacre more of their victims, NATO would have been powerless to stop them. In the end, NATO won the war by increasing the scope and intensity of bombing, making serious plans for a ground invasion, and moving diplomacy into full gear in order to convince Belgrade that this was a war Serbia would never win. The Kosovo crisis is a cautionary tale for those who believe force can be used easily and in limited increments to stop genocide, mass killing, and the forceful expulsion of entire populations. Daalder and O'Hanlon conclude that the crisis holds important diplomatic and military lessons that must be learned so that others in the future might avoid the mistakes that were made in this case.

Comparative Political Systems:

2018-11-16

Steven Alan Samson

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Fires of hatred: ethnic cleansing in twentieth-century Europe

2001-06-01

Norman M. Naimark

Of all the horrors of the last century - perhaps the bloodiest century of the past millennium - ethnic cleansing ranks among the worst. The term burst forth in public … Of all the horrors of the last century - perhaps the bloodiest century of the past millennium - ethnic cleansing ranks among the worst. The term burst forth in public discourse in the spring of 1992 as a way to describe Serbian attacks on the Muslims of Bosnia-Herzegovina, but as this book attests, ethnic cleansing is neither new nor likely to cease in our time. Here Norman M. Naimark, distinguished historian of Europe and Russia, proides an insightful and heartbreaking history of ethnic cleansing and its relationship to genocide and population transfer. Focusing on five specific cases, he exposes the myths about ethnic cleansing, in particular the commonly held belief that the practice stems from ancient hatreds. Rather, Naimark shows that this face of genocide had its roots in the European nationalism of the late 19th century but found its most virulent expression in the 20th century as modern states and societies began to organize themselves by ethnic criteria. The most obvious example, and one of Naimark's cases, is the Nazi attack on the Jews that culminated in the Holocaust. Naimark also discusses the Armenian genocide of 1915 and the expulsion of Greeks from Anatolia during the Greco-Turkish War of 1921-22; the Soviet forced deportation of the Chechens-Ingush and the Crimean Tatars in 1944; the Polish and Czechoslovak expulsion of the Germans in 1944-47; and Bosnia and Kosovo. In this harrowing history, Naimark reveals how over and over, as racism and religious hatreds picked up an ethnic name tag, war provided a covre for violence and mayhem, an evil tapestry behind which nations acted with impunity.

Futures past: on the semantics of historical time

1987-01-01

Peter Burke

"Futures past: on the semantics of historical time." History of European Ideas, 8(6), pp. 744–745 "Futures past: on the semantics of historical time." History of European Ideas, 8(6), pp. 744–745

Understanding ethnic violence: fear, hatred, and resentment in twentieth-century Eastern Europe

2003-07-01

Roger D. Petersen

This 2002 book seeks to identify the motivations of individual perpetrators of ethnic violence. The work develops four models, labeled Fear, Hatred, Resentment, and Rage, gleaned from existing social science … This 2002 book seeks to identify the motivations of individual perpetrators of ethnic violence. The work develops four models, labeled Fear, Hatred, Resentment, and Rage, gleaned from existing social science literatures. The empirical chapters apply these four models to important events of ethnic conflict in Eastern Europe, from the 1905 Russian Revolution to the collapse of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. Each historical chapter generates questions about the timing and target of ethnic violence. The four models are then applied to the case, to learn which does the best job in explaining the observed patterns of ethnic conflict. The findings challenge conventional wisdom, in that the Resentment narrative, centered on a sense of unjust group status, provides the best fit for a variety of cases. While Fear, Hatred, and Rage do motivate hostile actions, Resentment pervasively appears to inflame ethnic animosity and drive outcomes in the timing and pattern of action.

Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution after the Cold War

1995-01-01

Robert Legvold , Susan L. Woodward

Yugoslavia was well positioned at the end of the cold war to make a successful transition to a market economy and westernization. Yet two years later, the country had ceased … Yugoslavia was well positioned at the end of the cold war to make a successful transition to a market economy and westernization. Yet two years later, the country had ceased to exist, and devastating local wars were being waged to create states. Between the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 and the start of the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina in March 1992, the country moved toward disintegration at astonishing speed. The collapse of Yugoslavia into nationalist regimes led not only to horrendous cruelty and destruction, but also to a crisis of Western security regimes. Coming at the height of euphoria over the end of the cold war and the promise of a new world the conflict presented Western governments and the international community with an unwelcome and unexpected set of tasks. Their initial assessment that the conflict was of little strategic significance or national interest could not be sustained in light of its consequences. By 1994 the conflict had emerged as the most challenging threat to existing norms and institutions that Western leaders faced. And by the end of 1994, more than three years after the international community explicitly intervened to mediate the conflict, there had been no progress on any of the issues raised by the country's dissolution. In this book, Susan Woodward explains what happened to Yugoslavia and what can be learned from the response of outsiders to its crisis. She argues that focusing on ancient ethnic hatreds and military aggression was a way to avoid the problem and misunderstood nationalism in post-communist states. The real origin of the Yugoslav conflict, Woodward explains, is the disintegration of governmental authority and the breakdown of a political and civil order, a process that occurred over a prolonged period. The Yugoslav conflict is inseparable from international change and interdependence, and it is not confined to the Balkans but is part of a more widespread phenomenon of political disintegration. Woodward's analysis is based on her first-hand experience before the country's collapse and then during the later stages of the Bosnian war as a member of the UN operation sent to monitor cease-fires and provide humanitarian assistance. She argues that Western action not only failed to prevent the spread of violence or to negotiate peace, but actually exacerbated the conflict. Woodward attempts to explain why these challenges will not cease or the Yugoslav conflicts end until the actual causes of the conflict, the goals of combatants, and the fundamental issues they pose for international order are better understood and addressed.

Blood and Belonging: Journeys into the New Nationalism

1994-01-01

Stanley Hoffmann , Michael Ignatieff

With The Warrior's Honor and Virtual War, Blood & Belonging forms part of the acclaimed trilogy by Michael Ignatieff on the face of modern conflict. In 1993 Michael Ignatieff set … With The Warrior's Honor and Virtual War, Blood & Belonging forms part of the acclaimed trilogy by Michael Ignatieff on the face of modern conflict. In 1993 Michael Ignatieff set out on a journey to the former Yugoslavia, the Ukraine, Germany, Quebec, Kurdistan and Northern Ireland in order to explore the many faces of modern nationalism at its worst. Modern nationalism is a language of blood: a call to arms that can end in the horror of ethnic cleansing. But it is also a language of belonging: a call to come home. In Blood & Belonging Michael Ignatieff explores both sides of nationalism in a personal odyssey that begins in the nightmare of the former Yugoslavia and ends with his return to his adopted homeland, Great Britain's disunited kingdom.

The three Yugoslavias: state-building and legitimation, 1918-2005

2007-05-01

Sabrina P. Ramet

Introduction 1. A Theory of Legitimacy 2. The First Yugoslavia, Part 1: The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, 1918-29 3. The First Yugoslavia, Part 2: The Kingdom of Yugoslavia, … Introduction 1. A Theory of Legitimacy 2. The First Yugoslavia, Part 1: The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, 1918-29 3. The First Yugoslavia, Part 2: The Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1929-41 4. World War Two and the Partisan Struggle, 1941-45 5. Happy Comrades? Tito, Stalin, and the Birth of the Second Yugoslavia, 1945-51 6. Dreaming a New Dream, 1950-62 7. The Reform Crisis, 1962-70 8. The Rise and Fall of Yugoslav Liberalism, 1967-73 9. Problems of Underdevelopment, 1965-90 10. Nationalist Tensions, 1968-90 11. Autumn of the Socialist Experiment, 1974-89 12. Hail Caesar! The Rise of Slobodan Milosevic 13. The Road to War 14. The War of Yugoslav Succession: Phase 1, June-December 1991 15. The War of Yugoslav Succession: Phase 2, 1992-95 16. A Flawed Peace: Post-Dayton Bosnia 17. The Third Yugoslavia and after, 1992-2004 18. UNMIK, KFOR, and the Future of Kosovo 19. Separate Paths: Slovenia, Macedonia, Croatia 20. Conclusion Select Bibliography

The Macedonian Conflict

1995-12-31

Loring M. Danforth

Greeks and Macedonians both assert that they, and they alone, have the right to identify themselves as Macedonians. The Greek government denies the existence of a Macedonian nation and insists … Greeks and Macedonians both assert that they, and they alone, have the right to identify themselves as Macedonians. The Greek government denies the existence of a Macedonian nation and insists that all Macedonians are Greeks, while Macedonians vehemently assert their existence as a unique people. This work examines the Macedonian conflict in the light of contemporary theoretical work on ethnic nationalism, the construction of national identities and cultures, the invenstion of tradition, and the role of the state in the process of building a nation. The conflict is set in the broader context of Balkan history and in the narrower context of the disintegration of Yugoslavia. The book focuses on the transnational dimension of the global cultural war taking place between Greeks and Macedonians both in the Balkans and throughout the rest of the world. It analyzes two issues in particular: the struggle for human rights of the Macedonian minority in northern Greece and the campaign for international recognition of the newly independent Republic of Macedonia. The book concludes with a detailed analysis of the construction of identity at an individual level among immigrants from nothern Greece who have settled in Australia, where multiculturalism is an official policy.

Mass Rape: The War against Women in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

1995-05-01

Jeffrey K. Olick , Alexandra Stiglmayer

How is one to explain the sudden reappearance of genocide on European soil less than a half century after the Nazi Holocaust and after three gen-erations of Europeans and Americans … How is one to explain the sudden reappearance of genocide on European soil less than a half century after the Nazi Holocaust and after three gen-erations of Europeans and Americans had come of age accepting the motto 'never again'?-Roy Gutman, author of A Witness to Genocide. Alexandra Stiglmayer interviewed survivors of the continuing war in Bosnia-Herzegovina in order to reveal, to a seemingly deaf world, the horrors of the ongoing war in the former Yugoslavia. The women-primarily of Muslim but also of Croatian and Serbian origin-have endured the atrocities of rape and the loss of loved ones. Their testimony, published in the 1993 German edition, is bare, direct, and its cumulative effect overwhelming. The first English edition contains Stiglmayer's updates to her own two essays, one detailing the historical context of the current conflict and the other presenting the core of the book, interviews with some twenty victims of rape as well as interviews with three Serbian perpetrators. Essays investi-gating mass rape and war from ethnopsychological, sociological, cultural, and medical perspectives are included. New essays by Catharine A. MacKinnon, Rhonda Copelon, and Susan Brownmiller address the crucial issues of recognizing the human rights of women and children. A foreword by Roy Gutman describes war crimes within the context of the UN Tribunal, and an afterword by Cynthia Enloe relates the mass rapes of this war to developments and reactions in the international women's movement. Accounts of torture, murder, mutilation, abduction, sexual enslavement, and systematic attempts to impregnate-all in the name of ethnic cleansing-make for the grimmest of reading. However brutal and appalling the information conveyed here, this book cannot and should not be ignored. Alexandra Stiglmayer studied journalism at the University of Dortmund. Since 1992 she has been a freelance correspondent in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia for German and American radio and television. Marion Faber, the translator, is a professor of comparative literature at Swarthmore College and the translator of Nietzsche's Human, All Too Human (Nebraska 1984) and Sarah Kirsch's The Panther Woman (Nebraska 1989).

Balkan Ghosts: A Journey through History

1994-01-01

Wen Stephenson , Robert D. Kaplan , Fama +1 more

Osman's dream: the story of the Ottoman Empire, 1300-1923

2006-07-01

Caroline Finkel

The Ottoman chronicles recount that the first sultan, Osman, dreamt of the dynasty he would found -- a tree, fully-formed, emerged from his navel, symbolising the vigour of his successors … The Ottoman chronicles recount that the first sultan, Osman, dreamt of the dynasty he would found -- a tree, fully-formed, emerged from his navel, symbolising the vigour of his successors and the extent of their domains. This is the first book to bring the full story of the Ottoman dynasty -- and its empire and peoples -- to a broader readership.Osman's descendants combined the resourcefulness of their nomadic origins with the imperial world-view of conquered Byzantium. The result was a multi-ethnic state that for six centuries held sway over territories stretching -- at their greatest -- from Hungary to the Persian Gulf, and from North Africa to the Caucasus. The Ottoman path to modernity was every bit as complex as those of the Habsburgs or Romanovs.Understanding the realization of Osman's vision over the many centuries when the Ottoman Empire controlled the centre of the globe is essential for anyone who seeks to understand the modern world.

Sobolev met Poincaré

2000-01-01

Piotr Hajłasz , Pekka Koskela

Introduction What are Poincare and Sobolev inequalities? Poincare inequalities, pointwise estimates, and Sobolev classes Examples and necessary conditions Sobolev type inequalities by means of Riesz potentials Trudinger inequality A version … Introduction What are Poincare and Sobolev inequalities? Poincare inequalities, pointwise estimates, and Sobolev classes Examples and necessary conditions Sobolev type inequalities by means of Riesz potentials Trudinger inequality A version of the Sobolev embedding theorem on spheres Rellich-Kondrachov Sobolev classes in John domains Poincare inequality: examples Carnot-Caratheodory spaces Graphs Applications to PDE and nonlinear potential theory Appendix References.

The politics of gender after socialism: a comparative-historical essay

2000-12-01

Susan Gál , Gail Kligman

Acknowledgments ix 1. After Socialism 3 2. Reproduction as Politics 15 3. Dilemmas of Public and Private 37 4. Forms of States, Forms of Family 63 5. Arenas of Political … Acknowledgments ix 1. After Socialism 3 2. Reproduction as Politics 15 3. Dilemmas of Public and Private 37 4. Forms of States, Forms of Family 63 5. Arenas of Political Action 91 6. Gender and Change 109 Notes 119 Bibliography 141 Index 163

Kosovo: War and Revenge

2002-10-01

Zvezdan Markovie , Tim Judah

Kosovo: War & Revenge explains how Kosovo became the crucible of one of the century's most pernicious conflicts: how Serbs and Albanians, sharing this tiny corner of Europe, became locked … Kosovo: War & Revenge explains how Kosovo became the crucible of one of the century's most pernicious conflicts: how Serbs and Albanians, sharing this tiny corner of Europe, became locked into a ferocious cycle of domination and revenge. It shows how the conflict that began here led not only to the destruction of the old Yugoslavia, but to a war waged by the world's most powerful military alliance. The book sets the conflict in its full historical context. It analyzes the character and career of Slobodan Milosevic and explains how Kosovo provided the springboard for him to mobilize the Serbs and seize supreme power. It reveals the great lost opportunity of the February 1999 Rambouillet conference for peace and compromise in the southern Balkans. It explains how exiled Kosovar militants could take their war from Swiss cafes to the mountains of northern Albania. And it examines how and why NATO launched its first ever war - a 78-day campaign of high-tech air strikes against Serbia - believing the onslaught would be over in days. Based on research, eyewitness reports and interviews with the leading protagonists, Judah's book presents a detailed account of the origins of the Serb-Albanian conflict, the course of the war, involvement of the Western powers, the implications for the global strategic landscape, and the options for the future.

National Ideology Under Socialism: Identity and Cultural Politics in Ceausescu's Romania.

1992-12-01

Martha Lampland , Katherine Verdery

The current transformation of many Eastern European societies is impossible to understand without comprehending the intellectual struggles surrounding nationalism in the region. Anthropologist Katherine Verdery shows how the example of … The current transformation of many Eastern European societies is impossible to understand without comprehending the intellectual struggles surrounding nationalism in the region. Anthropologist Katherine Verdery shows how the example of Romania suggests that current ethnic tensions come not from a resurrection of pre-Communist Nationalism but from the strengthening of national ideologies under Communist Party rule.

The bridge betrayed: religion and genocide in Bosnia

1997-03-01

Michael Anthony Sells

The recent atrocities in Bosnia-Herzegovina have stunned people throughout the world. With Holocaust memories still painfully vivid, a question haunts us: how is this savagery possible? Michael A. Sells answers … The recent atrocities in Bosnia-Herzegovina have stunned people throughout the world. With Holocaust memories still painfully vivid, a question haunts us: how is this savagery possible? Michael A. Sells answers by demonstrating that the Bosnian conflict is not simply a civil war or a feud of age-old adversaries. It is, he says, a systematic campaign of genocide and a Christian holy war spurred by religious mythologies. This passionate yet reasoned book examines how religious stereotyping--in popular and official discourse - has fueled Serbian and Croatian ethnic hatreds. Sells, who is himself Serbian American, traces the cultural logic of genocide to the manipulation by Serb nationalists of the symbolism of Christ's death, in which Muslims are 'Christ-killers' and Judases who must be mercilessly destroyed. He shows how 'Christoslavic' religious nationalism became a central part of Croat and Serbian politics, pointing out that intellectuals and clergy were key instruments in assimilating extreme religious and political ideas. Sells also elucidates the ways that Western policy makers have rewarded the perpetrators of the genocide and punished the victims. He concludes with a discussion of how the multireligious nature of Bosnian society has been a bridge between Christendom and Islam, symbolized by the now-destroyed bridge at Mostar. Drawing on historical documents, unpublished United Nations reports, articles from Serbian and Bosnian media, personal contacts in the region, and Internet postings, Sells reveals the central role played by religious mythology in the Bosnian tragedy. In addition, he makes clear how much is at stake for the entire world in the struggle to preserve Bosnia's existence as a multireligious society.

The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics

1985-06-01

Gale Stokes , Ivo Banac

The myth of ethnic war: Serbia and Croatia in the 1990s

2005-09-01

V. P. Gagnon

The Consociational Democracy Theme

1974-07-01

Hans Daalder

The books that are the subject of this review share three important characteristics. 1. They deal exclusively, or at least predominantly, with the political experiences of some smaller European countries … The books that are the subject of this review share three important characteristics. 1. They deal exclusively, or at least predominantly, with the political experiences of some smaller European countries which have traditionally been terra incognita on the map of comparative politics. Most writing in the field of comparative politics has centered eidier on the larger developed countries or on the developing states in die Third World. The Scandinavian and Benelux countries, Austria, and Switzerland have eidier been neglected or treated as isolated phenomena, mainly of folkloristic interest. As a category, they have been written off (widi die exception of Austria) as “the sober parliamentary democracies,” or as examples (listed with a note of surprise) of “working multi-party systems.”

Europe and the People without History

1984-05-01

Peter Gran , Eric R. Wolf

The intention of this work is to show that European expansion not only transformed the historical trajectory of non-European societies but also reconstituted the historical accounts of these societies before … The intention of this work is to show that European expansion not only transformed the historical trajectory of non-European societies but also reconstituted the historical accounts of these societies before European intervention. It asserts that anthropology must pay more attention to history.

Ethnicity without groups

2002-08-01

Rogers Brubaker

This paper offers a critical analysis of ‘groupism’ and suggests alternative ways of conceptualizing ethnicity without invoking the imagery of bounded groups. Alternative conceptual strategies focus on practical categories, cultural … This paper offers a critical analysis of ‘groupism’ and suggests alternative ways of conceptualizing ethnicity without invoking the imagery of bounded groups. Alternative conceptual strategies focus on practical categories, cultural idioms, cognitive schemas, discursive frames, organizational routines, institutional forms, political projects, and contingent events. The conceptual critique has implications for the ways in which researchers, journalists, policymakers and NGOs address ‘ethnic conflict’ and ‘ethnic violence’. The paper concludes with an analysis of an empirical case from Eastern Europe.

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Bosnia: A Short History

1994-01-01

Robert Legvold , Noel Malcolm

Bosnia: A Short History was celebrated on its first publication as a brilliant work of history which set the terrible war in the Balkans in its full historical and political … Bosnia: A Short History was celebrated on its first publication as a brilliant work of history which set the terrible war in the Balkans in its full historical and political context. This revised edition has been updated with a new chapter that covers the events of 1993-1995 and remains the definitive work on the complex history of Bosnia. 'A quite brilliant piece of historical record-straightening. Everyone who wishes to have an opinion about Bosnia must read this book.' - Niall Ferguson, Daily Mail. 'Clear-sighted, authoritative and eloquent.' - Dimitri Obolensky, Times Literary Supplement. 'A Triumph of clarity, learning and balance.' - Adrian Hastings, New Statesman and Society. 'Excellent.' - Paddy Ashdown, Sunday Times. 'This is a splendid work of synthesis on a very complex subject, written with insight and sympathy: the best, indeed the only, informed book on a history that has become both topical and tragic.' - Hugh Trevor-Roper, Sunday Telegraph. 'A marvellous book, a work of great scholarship.' - Margaret Thatcher.

Balkan ghosts: A journey through history

1993-06-01

Paul Dickler

Orientalist Variations on the Theme "Balkans": Symbolic Geography in Recent Yugoslav Cultural Politics

1992-01-01

Milica Bakić-Hayden , Robert M. Hayden

At first we were confused. The East thought that we were West, while the West considered us to be East. Some of us misunderstood our place in this clash of … At first we were confused. The East thought that we were West, while the West considered us to be East. Some of us misunderstood our place in this clash of currents, so they cried that we belong to neither side, and others that we belong exclusively to one side or the other. But I tell you, Irinej, we are doomed by fate to be the East on the West, and the West on the East, to acknowledge only heavenly Jerusalem beyond us, and here on earth-no one. –St. Sava to Irinej, 13th century Since the early 1980s, the crisis of Yugoslav society has been brought to public awareness through discussions in the mass media, both within Yugoslavia and outside of the country. While the causes of the crisis were initially analyzed within the framework of the ideology of Yugoslav self-management socialism, the past several years have seen increasing use by politicians and writers from the northwestern parts of the country of an orientalist rhetoric that relies for its force on an ontological and epistemological distinction between (north)west and (south)east

Nesting Orientalisms: The Case of Former Yugoslavia

1995-01-01

Milica Bakić-Hayden

This paper introduces the notion of “nesting orientalisms” to investigate some of the complexity of the east/west dichotomy which has underlain scholarship on “Orientalism” since the publication of Said's classic … This paper introduces the notion of “nesting orientalisms” to investigate some of the complexity of the east/west dichotomy which has underlain scholarship on “Orientalism” since the publication of Said's classic polemic, a discourse in which “East,” like “West,” is much more of a project than a place. While geographical boundaries of the “Orient“ shifted throughout history, the concept of “Orient” as “other” has remained more or less unchanged. Moreover, cultures and ideologies tacitly presuppose the valorized dichotomy between east and west, and have incorporated various “essences” into the patterns of representation used to describe them. Implied by this essentialism is that humans and their social or cultural institutions are “governed by determinate natures that inhere in them in the same way that they are supposed to inhere in the entities of the natural world.” Thus, eastern Europe has been commonly associated with “backwardness,” the Balkans with “violence,” India with “idealism” or “mysticism,” while the west has identified itself consistently with the “civilized world.“

The Rani of Sirmur: An Essay in Reading the Archives

1985-10-01

Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak

Two years ago, when a conference with title and Its Others was proposed by Sociology of Literature Group at Essex, I made some pious remarks about an alternative title, namely, … Two years ago, when a conference with title and Its Others was proposed by Sociology of Literature Group at Essex, I made some pious remarks about an alternative title, namely, as an Other. It has since then seemed to me that proposed revision was ill-considered in at least two ways. First, it ignored fact that history and theory that such a conference would want to expose are precisely those of how Europe had consolidated itself as sovereign subject by defining its colonies as Others, even as it constituted them, for purposes of administration and expansion of markets, into programmed near-images of that very sovereign self. Second, proposed revision nostalgically assumed that a critique of imperialism would restore a sovereignty for lost self of colonies so that Europe could, once and for all, be put in place of other that it always was. It now seems to me that it is this kind of revisionary impulse that is allowing emergence of as a convenient signifier. If instead we concentrated on documenting and theorizing itinerary of consolidation of Europe as sovereign subject, indeed sovereign and subject, then we would produce an alternative historical narrative of worlding of what is today called the Third World. To think of Third World as distant cultures, exploited but with rich intact heritages waiting to be recovered, interpreted, and curricularized in English translation helps emergence of the Third as a signifier that allows us to forget that worlding, even as it expands empire of discipline.'

The International Response to the Dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia

1992-07-01

Marc-Philippe Weller

The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia consisted of six republics (Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Montenegro and Macedonia) and two autonomous regions (Kosovo and Vojvodina). Its overall population was recently estimated … The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia consisted of six republics (Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Montenegro and Macedonia) and two autonomous regions (Kosovo and Vojvodina). Its overall population was recently estimated as 23.69 million. There were 8.14 million Serbs, 4.43 million Croats, 1.75 million Slovenes, 1.73 million Albanians, 1.34 million Macedonians and 1.22 million “Yugoslavs,” as well as a variety of other minorities. Slovenia has a population of 1.94 million, 90 percent of whom are ethnic Slovenes. There are small minorities of ethnic Serbs, Croats and Hungarians.

Awareness Contexts and Social Interaction

1964-10-01

Barney G. Glaser , Anselm L. Strauss

evocative and integrative force. Although contract was an important legal notion from an early period in Anglo-American law, it came into its own as a cultural symbol only after the … evocative and integrative force. Although contract was an important legal notion from an early period in Anglo-American law, it came into its own as a cultural symbol only after the heyday of 18th century contractualism in political theory. To 19th century courts contract symbolized an ideal way of ordering private arrangements, and this symbolism shed a benign light on decisions upholding dubiously free private bargains. Today contract has lost its hold upon the legal imagination, with important results both in and out of the law. A sociologist attempting to investigate the cultural significance of industrial, political, military, or educational activity would get very little help from contemporary concepts of culture. But he would intuitively grasp the need for a selective approach and one that would appraise the symbolic significance of work, politics, war, or education. It is one thing to consider how different technologies affect worker morale. It is another to ask: What role has the assembly line played as a symbol of industrial organization? It is one thing to study the contribution of low levels of political participation to the stability of the political order. It is another to ask: How many voters see politics as a mode of self-expression, with concomitant demands that political programs conform to an appropriate symbolic imagery? Can we expect more of this in times of affluence, when people can afford the luxury of symbolic expression in politics? These questions suggest the selective emphasis of the sociology of culture. Our emphasis on expressive symbolism in no way detracts from the chief pedagogical value of the older anthropological concept-the idea that culture is determining and that men are culture-bound. To participate in culture is to be implicated in a system of symbolic meanings. The content of that system, and its quality, obviously make a difference for the way men think and behave. The symbolic meanings of culture become part of mind and self and this is the chief source of culture-boundedness. It may be argued, indeed, that the interpretation of culture as expressive symbolism only sharpens the insight and heightens the relevance of the traditional analyst of culture. At the same time, a better theoretical foundation is suggested for the study of change and variation in the degree of culture-boundedness and in the significance of cultural determinism for the integrity of the self. The study of cultural particularity is not an end in itself but an avenue to fundamental knowledge regarding man as a moral and psychic being.

Being Muslim the Bosnian way: identity and community in a central Bosnian village

1996-06-01

This is an ethnographic account of Bosnian Muslims living in a village near Sarajevo. Although they represent a majority of the population in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosnian … This is an ethnographic account of Bosnian Muslims living in a village near Sarajevo. Although they represent a majority of the population in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosnian Muslims are still members of a minority culture in the region that was once Yugoslavia. The question of ethno-national identity has become paramount in this society and the author focuses on religion as the defining characteristic of identity. Bringa pays particular attention to the roles that women play in defining Muslim identities and she examines the importance of the household as a Muslim identity sphere. In doing so, she illuminates larger issues of what constitutes nationality.

The politics of nation-building: making co-nationals, refugees, and minorities

2013-09-19

1. Introduction Part I. Theory: 2. The international politics of assimilation, accommodation, and exclusion Part II. Empirical Evidence: 3. Why the Balkans? 4. Cross-national variation: nation-building in post-World War I … 1. Introduction Part I. Theory: 2. The international politics of assimilation, accommodation, and exclusion Part II. Empirical Evidence: 3. Why the Balkans? 4. Cross-national variation: nation-building in post-World War I Balkans 5. Odd cases: analysis of outliers 6. Subnational variation: Greek nation-building in western Macedonia, 1916-20 7. Temporal variation: Serbian nation-building toward Albanians, 1878-1941 8. Application of the theory beyond the Balkans 9. Conclusion.

Yugoslavia as history: twice there was a country

1997-09-01

Introduction: the search for viability 1. Empires and fragmented borderlands, 800-1800 2. Unifying aspirations and rural resistance, 1804-1903 3. New divisions, Yugoslav ties and Balkan wars, 1903-1914 4. The First … Introduction: the search for viability 1. Empires and fragmented borderlands, 800-1800 2. Unifying aspirations and rural resistance, 1804-1903 3. New divisions, Yugoslav ties and Balkan wars, 1903-1914 4. The First World War and the first Yugoslavia, 1914-1921 5. Parliamentary kingdom, 1921-1928 6. Authoritarian kingdom, 1929-1941 7. World war and civil war, 1941-1945 8. Founding the Second Yugoslavia 1946-1953 9. Tito's Yugoslavia ascending, 1954-1967 10. Tito's Yugoslavia descending, 1968-1988 11. Ethnic politics and the end of Yugoslavia.

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Kosovo: A Short History

1999-01-01

James Satterwhite , Noel Malcolm

Balkan tragedy: chaos and dissolution after the Cold War

1995-11-01

Alija Izetbegović’s temperancetemperance movementmining areasMethodismEducation Act 1870drinking. See also beer houses; public housescultural role ofcultural role, of drinkingLiverpoolrace meetingshorse-racing. See also race meetingscruelty to animalsHolman, Georgeanimal cruelty, and horse racingNational Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals‘Hotspur’social significance, of gamblinggambling. See also betting; gamingsocial/cultural significance ofcultural significance, of …

2015-10-02

National identity and the Other

2003-08-29

National Deconstruction: Violence, Identity, and Justice in Bosnia

1999-01-01

James Satterwhite , David R. Campbell

Hijacked justice: dealing with the past in the Balkans

2010-05-01

Jelena Subotić

Moments of beauty in the prose of Danilo Kiš

2025-06-25

Simona Škrabec | Deleted Journal

Danilo Kiš is one of the few Balkan authors that have acquired sufficient prestige not only to circulate but also to be studied beyond their own borders. He was forced … Danilo Kiš is one of the few Balkan authors that have acquired sufficient prestige not only to circulate but also to be studied beyond their own borders. He was forced to abandon Yugoslavia as a result of the affair orchestrated by the authorities in connection with the publication of A Tomb for Boris Davidovich (1976). The book was censored as the result of an infamous campaign in which the author was accused of plagiarism (1976-1981). Kiš decided to leave the country and lived in Paris during the decisive decade of the thawing of East-West relations. He became one of the most insightful voices in the analysis of totalitarian societies as a «combative author» (Casanova 1999). The very structure of his literary works functions as an artefact that expose the possibility of manipulation of any discourse. Behind his prose, there is a deep analytical work capable of documenting the personal and collective traumas.

Political transition in Montenegro 1989-2010

2025-06-24

Radenko Šćekić , Aleksandar Ćuković | Zgodovinski časopis

The paper reviewed two hypotheses, namely, (H1) that within the concept of political propaganda activities in Montenegro and promotional practices recognize some of the universal characteristics of modern political propaganda … The paper reviewed two hypotheses, namely, (H1) that within the concept of political propaganda activities in Montenegro and promotional practices recognize some of the universal characteristics of modern political propaganda and (H2) that the speciﬁcity of the political propaganda activities at the time of the newly created political pluralism in Montenegro is derived from the fact that political entities operate in an atmosphere of war environment and in conditions marked by a substantial superiority of one political party, as well as the role and importance of one dominant political entity that has been exercising power for decades. The topic of this paper is the political life of Montenegro from 1989 to 2010. A particular feature of this period is the fact that one political party (Democratic Party of Socialists) managed to hold power so long, in conditions of party pluralism, unstable and war-aﬀected environment, deep ideological, political, social and ethnic divisions in the society, and intense international pressure.

The Nobel Prize in Literature in the Context of the Idea of World Literature

2025-06-22

Żaneta Nalewajk | Tekstualia

<ns3:p>The main goal of this essay is to discuss the Nobel Prize in literature in the context of the ideaof World Literature and its various concreti zations (from Johann Wolfgang … <ns3:p>The main goal of this essay is to discuss the Nobel Prize in literature in the context of the ideaof World Literature and its various concreti zations (from Johann Wolfgang Goethe to Georg Brandes,Itamar Even-Zohar, Pascale Casanova and David Damrosch). The essay focusses on the translationunderstood not only as a tool to win a literary prize, but also as a form of contact that bridgeslanguage barriers, cultural divides, and recognizes different ways of understanding the world.</ns3:p>

Balkan Theological Gordian Knot: Post-Yugoslav Territory in The Rough Embrace of Ethnonationalism and Religion

2025-06-20

Branko Sekulić | Political Theology

Pieces of contested memories: The history of monuments in Banja Luka

2025-06-17

Vladan Vukliš | Geoadria

In the last century and a half, the city of Banja Luka has passed through the existence of six different states that came and left in dramatic, paradigm altering shifts. … In the last century and a half, the city of Banja Luka has passed through the existence of six different states that came and left in dramatic, paradigm altering shifts. The historical breaks which occurred in 1878, 1918, 1941, 1945 and 1990 were manifested as deep discontinuities. In this paper, we present a history of monuments and memorial markers in Banja Luka, with the following aims: to reconstruct the memory politics of states and local actors as they have changed through time; to identify the material remains of mnemonic practices; and, to determine their fates after the states that placed them were removed from the historic arena. This work does not represent a thorough list of each monument or their full typology. Rather, it examines the main memorial markers, with additional focus on those monuments which are deemed important, such as the Monument to the Fallen of Krajina (1961), including their meaning and their subsequent use. While a detailed history of monuments and memorial practices spans from 1880 to 1990, the current, post–socialist era is reviewed in the form of an epilogue, with attention on the dominant mnemonic paradigm.

The Ethnic Hungarian Minority in Serbia: Between Ethnopolitics and European Politics

2025-06-13

Vassilis Petsinis | Ethnopolitics

Politicized Archaeology and Cultural Gatekeeping: The Case of the Bosnian Pyramids

2025-06-10

Sam Osmanagich | Political Science International

The Bosnian Pyramid project in Visoko, Bosnia-Herzegovina, stands at the intersection of scientific exploration and political resistance. Despite the accumulation of peer-reviewed studies, independent expert visits, and robust archaeological and … The Bosnian Pyramid project in Visoko, Bosnia-Herzegovina, stands at the intersection of scientific exploration and political resistance. Despite the accumulation of peer-reviewed studies, independent expert visits, and robust archaeological and environmental data, the project has encountered systematic rejection from members of the cultural and academic establishment many of whom have never visited the site. This article investigates the phenomenon of politicized archaeology, where institutional loyalty, ideological orthodoxy, and cultural gatekeeping override empirical inquiry. Through documented examples and statistical modeling, including Monte Carlo simulations, we examine the improbability that such sustained expert support could occur by chance. Furthermore, we contrast the transparent, field-based research efforts of supporters with the unsubstantiated public discreditation campaigns waged by opponents. By exploring the political, media, and academic dynamics surrounding the case, this study contributes to broader discussions on intellectual pluralism, heritage governance, and the consequences of narrative monopolies in cultural policy.

The Music for Moromeții

2025-06-04

Antigona Rădulescu | Musicology Today.

Based on the book Moromeții (the first volume, printed in 1955) by the writer Marin Preda, director Stere Gulea made the film with the same title more than 30 years … Based on the book Moromeții (the first volume, printed in 1955) by the writer Marin Preda, director Stere Gulea made the film with the same title more than 30 years later (in 1987), which won critics acclaim and awards, including for the film music written by Cornelia Tăutu. This was not the composer’s first experience in this field when she created Moromeții’s music. Her working method followed the principle of knowing in detail the production essential data before composing the musical part. For Cornelia Tăutu, her music played the role of a faithful accompaniment, supporting the overall construction. Given the subject of the film – Romanian village in between world wars – the music sought a certain specificity, without falling, into folkloristic pastiches, according to the composer. At the same time, it followed the director’s vision, with the yearning for authenticity and a certain tendency towards objectivity in narration, with the balanced rhythm of the filming and the black and white plasticity of the images. My analysis takes into account several factors: determining the episodes of the narrative in which the music is present; the relationship with other music with a diegetic function and with the ambient sounds; examining the score (complete, orchestral version) and establishing the correspondence between the moments of the film and the fragments of music from the score; identifying the main features of the music in close connection with the “poetics of the Romanian ethos” (Dan Dediu); establishing its functions (according to Siegfried Kracauer’s taxonomy). The music of Moromeții is deliberately not spectacular but its aspects change becoming secondary narrator, background or translator of the characters’ moods. Intimate links are identifiable in the very intrinsic substance of the various pieces of written music, which thus give them a certain unity.

Orthodox Church Chant in Romanian Communist Films

2025-06-04

Costin Moisil | Musicology Today.

Orthodox church music did not receive much interest in communist Romania, for well-known reasons. It is therefore to be expected that Orthodox chant would be rather absent from Romanian communist … Orthodox church music did not receive much interest in communist Romania, for well-known reasons. It is therefore to be expected that Orthodox chant would be rather absent from Romanian communist films or associated with negative or ridiculous characters. On the other hand, musicologists have shown that the national-communist regime used medieval church music for propaganda purposes. It would be interesting to study the extent to which the publication of the earliest creations of Romanian cantors in volumes and LPs was paralleled by the presence of these pieces in films of the 1970s and 1980s. But would be such a correlation a clear evidence of the intervention of power in the creation of films or could it have other causes? My paper brings together three different approaches, none entirely false, yet none entirely true.

Ciprian Porumbescu (1973): A Cinematic Biography of a “Passionate Patriot Artist”

2025-06-03

Cătălin Cernătescu | Musicology Today.

Embodying the romantic revolutionary artist with poor health and a premature end, the musician Ciprian Porumbescu (1853-1883) was perceived throughout the 20th century as an inspirational model of patriotism. During … Embodying the romantic revolutionary artist with poor health and a premature end, the musician Ciprian Porumbescu (1853-1883) was perceived throughout the 20th century as an inspirational model of patriotism. During the communist era he was intensely promoted as a cultural hero of the Romanian nation, his biography becoming a landmark for younger generations. Perfectly mirroring the ideals advocated by nationalist communism, such as nostalgia for the glorious past, the struggle for freedom and national unity or exacerbated patriotism, Porumbescu’s life, presented through an ideological lens, oscillated between historical truth and mythologization. Gheorghe Vitanidis’ screening from 1973 turned Ciprian Porumbescu into one of the most famous Romanian musicians of the time and a propaganda tool with a charismatic allure.

Balkanism, shifting identities and social transactions in the microregion of Elena (Northern Bulgaria)

2025-06-03

Stoyan Nikov | Българска етнология.

:<i>Between Empire and Nation: Muslim Reform in the Balkans</i>

2025-06-01

Evguenia Davidova | The Journal of Modern History

Constantinople 1913

2025-06-01

| Berghahn Books

Albanian-Yugoslav interaction during World War II through the lens of the Berat Plenum of the Communist Party of Albania

2025-06-01

Petr Iskenderov | OOO Zhurnal Voprosy Istorii

The article is devoted to the Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Albania held in Berat in 1944. Its place in the development of Albanian-Vugoslav relations … The article is devoted to the Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Albania held in Berat in 1944. Its place in the development of Albanian-Vugoslav relations during the World War II is analyzed. Special attention is paid to the position of the Albanian leader Enver Hoxha.

Island and Empire: How Civil War in Crete Mobilized the Ottoman World

2025-06-01

Laura Robson | Bustan The Middle East Book Review

State Building in Fragile Contexts: The Ohrid Agreement and European Integration in North Macedonia

2025-06-01

Fatmir M. Xheladini | Deleted Journal

Abstract This manuscript examines the security challenges and institutional fragility in North Macedonia before and after the 2001 Ohrid Framework Agreement, focusing on the role of ethnic divisions, institutional exclusion, … Abstract This manuscript examines the security challenges and institutional fragility in North Macedonia before and after the 2001 Ohrid Framework Agreement, focusing on the role of ethnic divisions, institutional exclusion, and the absence of an inclusive state identity. Through a theoretical approach grounded in international relations and state-building literature, this paper argues that the construction of a mono-national state and the marginalization of the Albanian population have undermined the legitimacy and authority of state institutions. The Ohrid Agreement represents a turning point toward establishing a more inclusive political order, through mechanisms of power-sharing, proportional representation, and the integration of security with the country’s ethnic realities. The manuscript highlights that, despite notable progress, interethnic tensions, socio-economic challenges, and political polarization remain structural sources of fragility. In this context, North Macedonia’s aspirations for European Union membership are seen as drivers for improved governance, democratic consolidation, and the overcoming of ethnic cleavages, promoting institutional reform, rule of law, and the strengthening of social cohesion. However, the integration process remains complex and vulnerable to internal tensions and external pressures, requiring sustained and inclusive efforts.

Domestic Historiography of Socialist Yugoslavia

2025-06-01

Константин Никифоров | Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences

Imperial Russia’s Resurrection as a Concept in Political and Public Discourses in Interwar Yugoslavia

2025-06-01

Milana Živanović | Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences

O relativiziranju imperijalističkog nasilja: muzealizacija rata u vojnim muzejima u Beču i Istanbulu

2025-06-01

Jeremy F. Walton | [sic] - a journal of literature culture and literary translation

The Changing Image of Turkey in Contemporary Bulgaria

2025-06-01

Iskra BAEVA | Études balkaniques

Bulgaria and the Modern Turkish State: Forward by Kalina PEEVA

2025-06-01

Kalina PEEVA | Études balkaniques

Cultural Reconfiguration in Croatia: Interactions between Tradition and Modernity after Independence

2025-05-31

Sang Hun Kim | East European and Balkan Institute

This study offers an in-depth analysis of Croatia’s political transition following its 1991 independence from the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, focusing on the reconstruction of cultural identity and the … This study offers an in-depth analysis of Croatia’s political transition following its 1991 independence from the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, focusing on the reconstruction of cultural identity and the structural transformation of cultural politics that accompanied the democratization process and the introduction of a market economy. In particular, the research examines how the cultural policies and integrated identity strategies of the Yugoslav era, along with socialist-era mechanisms of expression control, shaped cultural legacies and structures of repression. Building on this historical context, the study explores how post-independence Croatia pursued nationalism-centered cultural policies, redefined traditional symbols, and politicized memory to construct a new national identity. In the main body, the research identifies key features of Croatia’s cultural transformation during its transition: the shift toward a post-socialist cultural order, the political symbolization of tradition and religion, the intensification of nationalist discourse in the cultural sphere, the restructuring of censorship and freedom of expression, and the emergence of independent cultural spaces and civil society initiatives. The theoretical framework draws on Aleida Assmann’s concept of “frames of memory” to analyze the interrelation between collective memory reconstruction and cultural identity formation. Within this framework, culture is shown to function not merely as a domain of artistic expression but as a central mechanism in the construction of political legitimacy and national origin narratives. Furthermore, the study examines the rise of various independent cultural organizations (such as MaMa, Attack, and Domino) since the 2000s, investigating how civil society initiatives offered alternative narratives to the dominant nationalism-oriented cultural politics. Literary works, films, and visual arts increasingly addressed themes of post-Yugoslav identity, gender, trauma, and displacement—thereby contributing to the development of cultural democracy and the recovery of public discourse. In conclusion, this paper argues that the Croatian case reveals the transitional process not as a mere institutional shift, but as a profound cultural and political reconfiguration of memory and identity structures. This insight provides a broadly applicable analytical framework for understanding the post-socialist transitions of Eastern European countries. Croatia’s experience is interpreted as a dynamic case of cultural politics unfolding within the dialectical tension between cultural democratization and political symbolization—offering valuable academic perspectives on memory politics and intergenerational identity conflicts in the digital age.

Gendering of memory from the perspective of political anthropology

2025-05-29

Inga B. Kuźma , Edyta B. Pietrzak , J. Frank Henderson | Routledge eBooks

European Identity and the Euro in Kosovo

2025-05-28

Nicola Nones | Nations and Nationalism

ABSTRACT How can nationalist leaders stand for political independence and monetary sovereignty while embracing the use of a supra‐national currency? At first sight, unilateral euroisation—the de facto adoption of the … ABSTRACT How can nationalist leaders stand for political independence and monetary sovereignty while embracing the use of a supra‐national currency? At first sight, unilateral euroisation—the de facto adoption of the euro instead of a national currency—seems inconsistent with the goals of nationalism and independence. The apparent inconsistency can be explained by the flexible and complex nature of nationalism, which allows policy makers to incorporate seemingly contradictory stances. Through a case study of nationalism in Kosovo, this paper shows how the euro's adoption is not only consistent with nationalist objectives but can be coherently used to achieve those very goals. As the content and direction of nationalist discourse in Kosovo evolved, the euro became a powerful political and symbolic tool to sustain the cause of economic and political sovereignty.

Britain, the Albanian national question and the fall of the Ottoman Empire, 1876–1914

2025-05-27

Robert Austin

Utopias of the past: a reading of A. K. Forbes' Ras Mala

2025-05-27

Dhara Kantibhai Chotai

Լենինականում ապրած ու ստեղծագործած հայրենադարձ նկարիչները.Հակոբ Հակոբյան, Պետրոս Կոնտուրաջյան, Նվեր Սաֆյան

2025-05-26

Դիտարկվել է 1950-1960-ականներին Լենինականում ապրած ու ստեղծագործած հայրենադարձ գեղանկարիչների՝ Հակոբ Հակոբյանի, Պետրոս Կոնտուրաջյանի, Նվեր Սաֆյանի ստեղծագործությունը, որոնք, վերադառնալով հայրենիք, մեծ նպաստ բերեցին հայ մշակույթի զարգացմանը: Հայրենադարձների խնդրին անդրադարձել է Ռ․ … Դիտարկվել է 1950-1960-ականներին Լենինականում ապրած ու ստեղծագործած հայրենադարձ գեղանկարիչների՝ Հակոբ Հակոբյանի, Պետրոս Կոնտուրաջյանի, Նվեր Սաֆյանի ստեղծագործությունը, որոնք, վերադառնալով հայրենիք, մեծ նպաստ բերեցին հայ մշակույթի զարգացմանը: Հայրենադարձների խնդրին անդրադարձել է Ռ․ Միրզախանյանը իր «Խորհրդահայ մշակույթը 1956-1990թթ․» աշխատությունում։ Պ․ Կոնտուրաջյանի, Հ․ Հակոբյանի ստեղծագործությունը բազմիցս ներկայացվել է արվեստաբանների կողմից, այդ թվում՝ Հ․ Իգիթյանի, Շ․ Խաչատրյանի։ Ն․ Սաֆյանի մշակութային գործունեությանը առաջինը մենք ենք անդրադառնում սույն աշխատանքի համատեքստում։ Մեթոդներ ու նյութեր, Դիտարկվել են երեք հայրենադարձ ստեղծագործողներ, որոնք հաստատվելով նախնիների հողում՝ սկսեցին արարել տեղացի նկարիչների հետ։ Հետազոտությունն արվեստաբանական է, ներկայացված է համեմատական ու վերլուծական մեթոդներով։ Վերլուծություն. Փորձ է արվել բացահայտելու նկարիչների կենսապայմանները, աշխարհայացքը, արվեստի զարգացման նրանց տեսլականները, ծավալած գործունեությունը, թե որքանով էին սոցռեալիզմի կաղապարները կաշկանդել կամ արգելափակել ստեղծագործողներին։ Արդյունքներ. Մեր ուսումնասիրության արդյունքում հանգել ենք այն եզրահանգման, որ սահմանափակ հնարավորություններով Լենինականում էլ կարելի էր գտնել սեփական ուղին ու ձեռագիրը կամ, ինչպես կասեր ճարտարապետ Ա․ Իվանովը, «Ազատությունը վանդակի մեջ» [5, 76]։ The paper examines the works of repatriated painters of Hakob Hakobyan, Petros Konturajyan, and Nver Safyan, who lived and worked in Leninakan, Gyumri, in the 1950s and 1960s, and who, upon returning to their homeland, made a great contribution to the development of Armenian culture. The issue of repatriates was addressed by R. Mirzakhanyan in his work “Soviet Armenian Culture 1956-1990.” The work of P. Konturajyan and H. Hakobyan has been repeatedly presented by art critics, including H. Igityan and Sh. Khachatryan. We are the first to address N. Safyan’s cultural activities in the context of this article. We also examine the activities of repatriated painters in Leninakan, which will complete the cultural image of the city in the 1950s and 1960s. Methods and materials: In our article, we have considered three repatriated artists who, upon returning to their homeland, settled in the land of their ancestors and began to create with local artists. The research is artological, presented using comparative and analytical methods. Analysis: We have tried to reveal the living conditions of the artists, their worldviews, their visions of the development of art, their activities, and to what extent the templates of socialist realism constrained or blocked the artists. Results: As a result of our study, we have come to the conclusion that with limited opportunities in Leninakan, one could find one's own path and handwriting, or, as the architect A. Ivanov would say "Freedom in a Cage" [5, 76].

Flying Under the Ethnic Radar: Subdued Identities of Serbs Amidst Croatian Statebuilding

2025-05-25

Rok Zupančіč , Anđela Đorđević , Faris Kočan

The Achievements of the basic human rights of the Albanian population in North Macedonia through international mediation after the Conflict 2001

2025-05-23

Xhyla Çeliku

The Albanian population in North Macedonia, comprising officially approximately 1/4 of the whole population, has historically faced challenges in securing national rights within a state dominated by the ethnic Macedonian … The Albanian population in North Macedonia, comprising officially approximately 1/4 of the whole population, has historically faced challenges in securing national rights within a state dominated by the ethnic Macedonian majority. This article examines whether international mediation, particularly through the Ohrid Framework Agreement (OFA) of 2001, effectively facilitated the achievement of Albanian national rights. Drawing on historical context, legal analysis, and socio-political outcomes, the study critiques the narrative that international mediation fully resolved Albanian grievances. While significant progress has been made in areas such as language rights, political representation, and education, persistent issues of social segregation, economic disparity, and incomplete implementation suggest that the realization of national rights remains still partial. James W. Pardew’s book: Pacemakers (2018) provides a firsthand account of the mediation process, emphasizing U.S. leadership in preventing civil war. The article concludes that international mediation was a critical catalyst but not a complete solution, highlighting the need for ongoing domestic and international efforts.

“I Respect the Rules of my Home Country”: Performing <i>Čisti Hrvatski</i> and Exemplary Minority Subjectivity

2025-05-23

Dragana Prvulović

Abstract In Croatia, due to local histories of violence, purist language ideologies, and the essentialist belief that nations and languages form an inseparable nexus, the ability to speak pure “Croatian” … Abstract In Croatia, due to local histories of violence, purist language ideologies, and the essentialist belief that nations and languages form an inseparable nexus, the ability to speak pure “Croatian” ( čisti hrvatski ) is perceived as a sign of morality while the use of “Serbian” indexes immorality. Through repetition over time and institutional support – through ethno-linguistic enregisterment – linguistic practises are able to map ethnicity and morality onto the bodies of speakers, making the use of language in Croatia a delicate and politicized performance. Based on extensive ethnographic fieldwork, this article explores the ways in which linguistic performances of čisti hrvatski by the newly minoritized Serbs in Vukovar become an integral part of performing political subjectivity. The eagerness of some of my interlocutors to perform čisti hrvatski in the public sphere becomes a way to embody exemplary minority subjectivity and to negotiate their stigmatized ethnic difference by demonstrating a sense of belonging to the Croatian nation-state.

Tragic Staging as Critique in the War Crimes Tribunal: The Suicide of Slobodan Praljak

2025-05-22

Julie Stone Peters

Negotiating Brotherhood and Unity: “Oriental Confectioners” and Socialist Morality in Postwar Slovenia

2025-05-22

Mladen Zobec

Abstract “Oriental confectioners” were a separate administrative category of craftsmen in early socialist Slovenia. The group of mainly Albanian-speaking seasonal craftsmen came from the rural Polog basin in North Macedonia … Abstract “Oriental confectioners” were a separate administrative category of craftsmen in early socialist Slovenia. The group of mainly Albanian-speaking seasonal craftsmen came from the rural Polog basin in North Macedonia during the interwar period and continued migrating to Slovenia in the profoundly changed postwar context. The emerging socialist authorities cast private craft businesses as potentially antisocialist. Employing a textual analysis of craft-related archival documents from the period (1945–1955), the article explores the treatment of Albanian migrants by the nascent bureaucracy in the People’s Republic of Slovenia. The key argument posited is two-fold. Firstly, the economic exclusion of Albanian migrant craftsmen extended beyond socialist distrust towards private enterprise. Exclusion was deeply intertwined with Slovenia’s orientalist, balkanist, and possibly racist perceptions, which culturally diminished craftsmen’s origins and products, and placed Albanian migrants in a conflicting position with socialist modernization. Secondly, and in contrast to the first point, the state’s treatment was not uniformly discriminatory. Albanian migrants were often able to negotiate their inclusion into the urban economy by appealing to socialist morality, to which socialist authorities at the republican level were particularly receptive.

Vakuf administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina: a closer look at the Islamska zajednica u Bosni i Hercegovini and new Vakuf Directorate

2025-05-16

Joseph J. Kaminski , Mustafa Krupalija , Hamza Preljević

Dimitris Pikionis, Aris Konstantinidis and Albert Camus

2025-05-15

Marianna Charitonidou

Constantinos A. Doxiadis and Adriano Olivetti's role in politics

2025-05-15

Marianna Charitonidou

Preserving Ancient Cultural Heritage in a New State: Montenegro and the Looting of Doclea, 1882

2025-05-14

Dalibor Elezović , Ivan Radulović , Budimir Aleksić

Abstract This article deals with the first example of measures taken by the state of Montenegro to preserve its ancient cultural heritage. Based on archival material from the State Archives … Abstract This article deals with the first example of measures taken by the state of Montenegro to preserve its ancient cultural heritage. Based on archival material from the State Archives of Montenegro, it deals with the period after the international recognition of this small Balkan state at the Congress of Berlin in 1878. In July 1882, some local residents invaded the most important ancient site in Montenegro, Doclea (Duklja), and robbed one of the site's most important tombs. Then, they took the excavated finds to Shkodër (Skadar) – which is part of present‐day Albania but belonged to the Ottoman Empire at the time – with the intention of selling everything. The Montenegrin government launched an investigation, arrested two suspects and launched a manhunt for the other two who were in Shkodër to return the artefacts they had taken. Previously unused archival sources show that the Montenegrin government was prepared to make maximum efforts to retrieve its stolen cultural heritage. The case thus sheds light on the emerging government policy of the preservation of old cultural heritage in the new state.

Not a project at all. A plural project of urban space in Bosnia and Herzegovina

2025-05-14

Richard Lee Peragine