Social Sciences Sociology and Political Science

Jewish and Middle Eastern Studies

Description

This cluster of papers explores the complex and multifaceted dynamics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, focusing on issues of ethnic identity, occupation, settler colonialism, nationalism, discrimination, human rights, segregation, and the impact of the Intifada. It delves into the historical, social, political, and cultural dimensions of this enduring conflict in the Middle East.

Keywords

Israel; Palestine; Ethnic Identity; Occupation; Settler Colonialism; Nationalism; Discrimination; Human Rights; Segregation; Intifada

* Deadly Distinctions: The Rise of Ethnic Violence * Ethnic Tents: Descriptions of Large-Group Identities * Anwar el-Sadat Goes to Jerusalem: The Psychology of International Conflicts Observed at Close Range … * Deadly Distinctions: The Rise of Ethnic Violence * Ethnic Tents: Descriptions of Large-Group Identities * Anwar el-Sadat Goes to Jerusalem: The Psychology of International Conflicts Observed at Close Range * Chosen Trauma: Unresolved Mourning * Ancient Fuel for a Modern Inferno: Time Collapse in Bosnia-Herzegovina * We-ness: Identifications and Shared Reservoirs * Enemy Images: Minor Differences and Dehumanization * Two Rocks in the Aegean Sea: Turks and Greeks in Conflict * Unwanted Corpses in Latvia: An Attempt at Purification * A Palestinian Orphanage: Rallying Around a Leader * Ethnic Terrorism and Terrorists: Belonging by Violence * From Victim to Victimizer: The Leader of the PKK (Kurdish Workers Party) * Totem and Taboo in Romania: The Internalization of a Dead Leader and Restabilization of an Ethnic Tent * Experiment in Estonia: Unofficial Diplomacy at Work * Afterword: Psychoanalysis and Diplomacy
Hollow Land: Israel's Architecture of Occupation, by Eyal Weizman. London: Verso, 2007. 318 pp. $34.95. Hollow Land: Israel's Architecture of Occupation examines how different forms of Israeli rule over the … Hollow Land: Israel's Architecture of Occupation, by Eyal Weizman. London: Verso, 2007. 318 pp. $34.95. Hollow Land: Israel's Architecture of Occupation examines how different forms of Israeli rule over the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967 inscribed themselves in space (p. 5). To accomplish this purpose, Eyal Weizman uses the term architecture in two ways. In its first meaning, he describes in detail the planning, construction, physical, and political attributes of several of the built structures of the and the roles of the Israeli architects who designed them. The structures analyzed include the Jewish Quarter of the old city of Jerusalem, the settlements, the separation barrier, the checkpoint at Qalandia, the border crossing at the Allenby Bridge, and the Rafah Terminal. The separation barrier is arguably Israel's most egregious violation of international law in the course of over forty years of occupation, since an International Court of Justice ruling determined that it is illegal. Yet Israeli architects protested against being excluded from participating in the design process. Weizman also employs architecture a conceptual way of understanding political issues as constructed realities (p. 6). Each of the chapters examines a structure or related set of structures and the way they enforce Israel's domination of the Palestinians through the control of physical space. The chapters are self-contained essays; most of them contain fascinating detail that is little known outside Israel. Among the best is the chapter on Israel's targeted assassinations in the Gaza Strip beginning in 2003. It is an incisive, albeit depressing, discussion of the politics and technology of what Weizman terms airborne occupation and the extension of the along a vertical axis. Underscoring the relevance of this issue to current developments beyond Israel/Palestine, Weizman traces the use of aerial bombardment of rebellious natives to the tenure of Winston Churchill as Britain's Minister of War and Air in the 1920s. Churchill enthusiastically promoted aerially enforced in Somaliland and Iraq. The structure of Hollow Land does not permit Weizman to offer a comprehensive history of the occupation, and he acknowledges that this is not his objective. Surprisingly, there is still no fully satisfactory narrative of this kind. Gershom Gorenberg's, The Accidental Empire: Israel and the Birth of the Settlements, 1967-1977 (New York: Times Books, 2006), while based on good historical research on the first decade of the settlement project, is ultimately flawed and problematic (for my review see When Doves Cry, The Nation, April 17, 2006). Weizman, although he is a more consistent critic of the Israeli than Gorenberg, adopts the same fundamental thesis: that there was no master plan guiding the settlement project in its early years. Rather, colonization of the mountain district of the West Bank . …
With their powerful blend of political and aesthetic concerns, Edward W. Said's writings have transformed the field of literary studies. This long-awaited collection of literary and cultural essays, the first … With their powerful blend of political and aesthetic concerns, Edward W. Said's writings have transformed the field of literary studies. This long-awaited collection of literary and cultural essays, the first since Harvard University Press published The World, the Text, and the Critic in 1983, reconfirms what no one can doubt--that Said is the most impressive, consequential, and elegant critic of our time--and offers further evidence of how much the fully engaged critical mind can contribute to the reservoir of value, thought, and action essential to our lives and our culture.As in the title essay, the widely admired Reflections on Exile, the fact of his own exile and the fate of the Palestinians have given both form and the force of intimacy to the questions Said has pursued. Taken together, these essays--from the famous to those that will surprise even Said's most assiduous followers--afford rare insight into the formation of a critic and the development of an intellectual vocation. Said's topics are many and diverse, from the movie heroics of Tarzan to the machismo of Ernest Hemingway to the shades of difference that divide Alexandria and Cairo. He offers major reconsiderations of writers and artists such as George Orwell, Giambattista Vico, Georg Lukacs, R. P. Blackmur, E. M. Cioran, Naguib Mahfouz, Herman Melville, Joseph Conrad, Walter Lippman, Samuel Huntington, Antonio Gramsci, and Raymond Williams. Invigorating, edifying, acutely attentive to the vying pressures of personal and historical experience, his book is a source of immeasurable intellectual delight.
The son of a black African father and a white American mother, Obama was only two years old when his father walked out on the family. Many years later, Obama … The son of a black African father and a white American mother, Obama was only two years old when his father walked out on the family. Many years later, Obama receives a phone call from Nairobi: his father is dead. This sudden news inspires an emotional odyssey for Obama, determined to learn the truth of his father's life and reconcile his divided inheritance. Written at the age of thirty-three, Dreams from My Father is an unforgettable read. It illuminates not only Obama's journey, but also our universal desire to understand our history, and what makes us the people we are.
Contrasting Narratives of Palestinian IdentityCultural Life and Identity in Late Ottoman Palestine: The Place of JerusalemCompeting and Overlapping Loyalties in Ottoman JerusalemElements of Identity I: Peasant Resistance to Zionist SettlementElements … Contrasting Narratives of Palestinian IdentityCultural Life and Identity in Late Ottoman Palestine: The Place of JerusalemCompeting and Overlapping Loyalties in Ottoman JerusalemElements of Identity I: Peasant Resistance to Zionist SettlementElements of Identity II: The Debate on Zionism in the Arabic PressThe Formation of Palestinian Identity: The Critical Years, 1917-1923The Disappearance and Reemergence of Palestinian Identity
How are group-based identities related to intergroup conflict? When and how do ethnic, religious, and national identities lead to oppression, violence, rebellion, war, mass-murder, and genocide? How do intergroup conflicts … How are group-based identities related to intergroup conflict? When and how do ethnic, religious, and national identities lead to oppression, violence, rebellion, war, mass-murder, and genocide? How do intergroup conflicts change people's identities? How might social identity be harnessed in the service of reducing conflict between groups? The chapters in this book present a sophisticated and detailed interdisciplinary analysis of the most topical and fundamental issues involved in understanding identity and conflict.
This text argues that because new nations need new pasts, they create new ways of commemorating and recasting select historic events. The author, Yael Zerubavel, illuminates this process by examining … This text argues that because new nations need new pasts, they create new ways of commemorating and recasting select historic events. The author, Yael Zerubavel, illuminates this process by examining the construction of Israeli national tradition. In the years leading to the birth of Israel, Zerubavel shows, Zionist settlers in Palestine consciously sought to rewrite Jewish history by reshaping Jewish memory. Zerubavel focuses on the nationalist reinterpretation of the defense of Masada against the Romans in 73 CE and the Bar Kokhba revolt of 133-135; and on the transformation of the 1920 defense of a new Jewish settlement in Tel Hai into a national myth. Zerubavel demonstrates how, in each case, Israeli memory transforms events that ended in death and defeat into heroic myths and symbols of national revival. Drawing on a broad range of official and popular sources and original interviews, Zerubavel shows that the construction of a new national tradition is not necessarily the product of government policy but a creative collaboration between politicans, writers and educators. Her discussion of the politics of commemoration demonstrates how rival groups can turn the past into an arena of conflict as they posit competing interpretations of history and opposing moral claims on the use of the past. Zerubavel analyzes the emergence of counter-memories within the reality of Israel's frequent wars, the ensuing debates about the future of the occupied territories, and the embattled relations with Palestinians. This book should appeal to historians, sociologists, anthropologists, political scientists and folklorists, as well as to scholars of cultural studies, literature and communication.
Foreword by Harold BloomPreface to the 1996 EditionPreface to the 1989 EditionPrologue to the Original Edition 1. Biblical and Rabbinic Foundations - Meaning in History, Memory, and the Writing of … Foreword by Harold BloomPreface to the 1996 EditionPreface to the 1989 EditionPrologue to the Original Edition 1. Biblical and Rabbinic Foundations - Meaning in History, Memory, and the Writing of History2. The Middle Ages - Vessels and Vehicles of Jewish Memory3. In the Wake of the Spanish Expulsion4. Modern Dilemas - Historiography and Its Discontents Postscript - Reflections on Forgetting NotesIndex
In a book that will both enlighten and provoke, Daniel Boyarin offers an alternative to the prevailing Euro-American warrior/patriarch model of masculinity and recovers the Jewish ideal of the gentle, … In a book that will both enlighten and provoke, Daniel Boyarin offers an alternative to the prevailing Euro-American warrior/patriarch model of masculinity and recovers the Jewish ideal of the gentle, receptive male. The Western notion of the aggressive, sexually dominant male and the passive female reaches back through Freud to Roman times, but as Boyarin makes clear, such gender roles are not universal. Analyzing ancient and modern texts, he reveals early rabbis - studious, family-oriented - as exemplars of manhood and the prime objects of female desire in traditional Jewish society. Challenging those who view the 'feminized Jew' as a pathological product of the Diaspora or a figment of anti-Semitic imagination, Boyarin argues that the Diaspora produced valuable alternatives to the dominant cultures' overriding gender norms. He finds the origins of the rabbinic model of masculinity in the Talmud, and though unrelentingly critical of rabbinic society's oppressive aspects, he shows how it could provide greater happiness for women than the passive gentility required by bourgeois European standards. Boyarin also analyzes the self-transformation of three iconic Viennese modern Jews: Sigmund Freud, the father of psychoanalysis; Theodor Herzl, the founder of Zionism; and Bertha Pappenheim (Anna O.), the first psychoanalytic patient and founder of Jewish feminism in Germany. Pappenheim is Boyarin's hero: it is she who provides him with a model for a militant feminist, anti-homophobic transformation of Orthodox Jewish society today. Like his groundbreaking Carnal Israel, this book is talmudic scholarship in a whole new light, with a vitality that will command attention from readers in feminist studies, history of sexuality, Jewish culture, and the history of psychoanalysis.
Introduction Part I. The Rules of Combat: 1. The structural dimension: the struggle over access 2. The cultural dimension: the struggle over meaning 3. Media influence and political outcomes Part … Introduction Part I. The Rules of Combat: 1. The structural dimension: the struggle over access 2. The cultural dimension: the struggle over meaning 3. Media influence and political outcomes Part II. The Contests: 4. Political movements and media access: the struggle against the Oslo Accord 5. Competing frames of the Oslo Accord: a chance for peace or a national disaster? 6. Controlling the media in insurrections and wars: the intifada and the Gulf war 7. The contest over media frames in the intifada: David versus Goliath 8. The cultural struggle over the Gulf war: Iraqi aggression or American imperialism? Part III. Conclusion: 9. The multi-purpose arena.
This wide-ranging examination of Arab society and culture offers a unique opportunity to know the Arab world from an Arab point of view. Halim Barakat, an expatriate Syrian who is … This wide-ranging examination of Arab society and culture offers a unique opportunity to know the Arab world from an Arab point of view. Halim Barakat, an expatriate Syrian who is both scholar and novelist, emphasizes the dynamic changes and diverse patterns that have characterized the Middle East since the mid-nineteenth century. The Arab world is not one shaped by Islam, nor one simply explained by reference to the sectarian conflicts of a mosaic society. Instead, Barakat reveals a society that is highly complex, with many and various contending polarities. It is a society in a state of becoming and change, one whose social contradictions are at the root of the struggle to transcend dehumanizing conditions. Arguing from a perspective that is both radical and critical, Barakat is committed to the improvement of human conditions in the Arab world.
Journal Article The Destruction of the European Jews Get access The Destruction of the European Jews. By Raul Hilberg. London: W. H. Allen. 1961. 788 pp. Index. 84s. International Affairs, … Journal Article The Destruction of the European Jews Get access The Destruction of the European Jews. By Raul Hilberg. London: W. H. Allen. 1961. 788 pp. Index. 84s. International Affairs, Volume 39, Issue 1, January 1963, Page 113, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/39.1.113b Published: 01 January 1963
Foreword. 1. Introduction: Sociology after the Holocaust. 2. Modernity, Racism, Extermination - I. 3. Modernity, Racism, Extermination - II. 4. On the Uniqueness and Normality of the Holocaust. 5. Soliciting … Foreword. 1. Introduction: Sociology after the Holocaust. 2. Modernity, Racism, Extermination - I. 3. Modernity, Racism, Extermination - II. 4. On the Uniqueness and Normality of the Holocaust. 5. Soliciting Cooperation of the Victims. 6. The Ethics of Obedience (reading Milgram). 7. Towards a Sociological Theory of Morality Rationality and Shame. Index.
Preface to the Reissue, 1977 Preface to the First Edition, 1966 At the Mind's Limits Torture How Much Home Does a Person Need? Resentments On the Necessity and Impossibility of … Preface to the Reissue, 1977 Preface to the First Edition, 1966 At the Mind's Limits Torture How Much Home Does a Person Need? Resentments On the Necessity and Impossibility of Being a Jew Translator's Notes Afterword by Sidney Rosenfeld
1. Introduction Part I. Fragmented Citizenship in a Colonial Frontier Society: 2. The virtues of Ashkenazi pioneering 3. Mizrachim and women: between quality and quantity 4. The frontier within: Palestinians … 1. Introduction Part I. Fragmented Citizenship in a Colonial Frontier Society: 2. The virtues of Ashkenazi pioneering 3. Mizrachim and women: between quality and quantity 4. The frontier within: Palestinians as second-class citizens 5. The wages of legitimation: Zionist and non-Zionist Orthodox Jews Part II. The Frontier Reopens: 6. New day on the frontier 7. The frontier erupts: the Intitfadas Part III. The Emergence of Civil Society: 8. Agents of political change 9. Economic liberalization and peacemaking 10. The 'Constitutional Revolution' 11. Shrinking social rights 12. Emergent citizenship groups? Immigrants from the FSU and Ethiopia and overseas foreign workers 13. Conclusion.
Live images on big screen and television go beyond a thousand words in perpetuating stereotypes and clichés. This article surveys more than a century of Hollywood's projection of negative images … Live images on big screen and television go beyond a thousand words in perpetuating stereotypes and clichés. This article surveys more than a century of Hollywood's projection of negative images of the Arabs and Muslims. Based on the study of more than 900 films, it shows how moviegoers are led to believe that all Arabs are Muslims and all Muslims are Arabs. The moviemakers' distorted lenses have shown Arabs as heartless, brutal, uncivilized, religious fanatics through common depictions of Arabs kidnapping or raping a fair maiden; expressing hatred against the Jews and Christians; and demonstrating a love for wealth and power. The article compares the stereotype of the hook-nosed Arab with a similar depiction of Jews in Nazi propaganda materials. Only five percent of Arab film roles depict normal, human characters.
“Tempered Radicals” are individuals who identify with and are committed to their organizations, and are also committed to a cause, community, or ideology that is fundamentally different from, and possibly … “Tempered Radicals” are individuals who identify with and are committed to their organizations, and are also committed to a cause, community, or ideology that is fundamentally different from, and possibly at odds with the dominant culture of their organization. The ambivalent stance of these individuals creates a number of special challenges and opportunities. Based on interviews, conversations, personal reflections, and archival reports, this paper describes the special circumstances faced by tempered radicals and documents some of the strategies used by these individuals as they try to make change in their organizations and sustain their ambivalent identities.
This article, excerpted and adapted from the early chapters of a new book, emphasizes the systematic preparations that laid the ground for the expulsion of more than 750,000 Palestinians from … This article, excerpted and adapted from the early chapters of a new book, emphasizes the systematic preparations that laid the ground for the expulsion of more than 750,000 Palestinians from what became Israel in 1948. While sketching the context and diplomatic and political developments of the period, the article highlights in particular a multi-year "Village Files" project (1940–47) involving the systematic compilation of maps and intelligence for each Arab village and the elaboration—under the direction of an inner "caucus" of fewer than a dozen men led by David Ben-Gurion—of a series of military plans culminating in Plan Dalet, according to which the 1948 war was fought. The article ends with a statement of one of the author's underlying goals in writing the book: to make the case for a paradigm of ethnic cleansing to replace the paradigm of war as the basis for the scholarly research of, and the public debate about, 1948.
Journal Article How Jews Became White Folks and What That Says about Race in America. By Karen Brodkin. (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1998. xiv, 243 pp. Cloth, $48.00, ISBN … Journal Article How Jews Became White Folks and What That Says about Race in America. By Karen Brodkin. (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1998. xiv, 243 pp. Cloth, $48.00, ISBN 0-8135-2589-6. Paper, $18.00, ISBN 0-8135-2590-X.) Get access Hasia R. Diner Hasia R. Diner New York University, New York, New York Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of American History, Volume 87, Issue 2, September 2000, Pages 699–700, https://doi.org/10.2307/2568854 Published: 01 September 2000
Discourse and Discrimination is a study of how racism, antisemitism and ethnicism are reflected in discourse. The authors first survey five established discourse analysis approaches before providing their own model … Discourse and Discrimination is a study of how racism, antisemitism and ethnicism are reflected in discourse. The authors first survey five established discourse analysis approaches before providing their own model and three case-studies. Drawing on a wide range of sources, they question why racism and anti-Semitism are still virulent worldwide.
"Encourages us to see historic Christianity as but one expression of a universalistic potential in Jewish monotheism. . . . In a fruitful career not yet nearly over, Border Lines … "Encourages us to see historic Christianity as but one expression of a universalistic potential in Jewish monotheism. . . . In a fruitful career not yet nearly over, Border Lines , the culmination of many years of work, may well remain Daniel Boyarin's masterpiece."—Jack Miles, Commonweal
The Negev , first published over a decade ago, told the story of some twenty years of study of southern Israel's desert. It synthesized the findings of botanists, geologists, soil … The Negev , first published over a decade ago, told the story of some twenty years of study of southern Israel's desert. It synthesized the findings of botanists, geologists, soil scientists, agronomists, archaeologists, historians, and engineers and told how the applications of their work produced an agricultural surplus in this forbiddingly dry, hot region. , Now Michael Evenari has amplified the book with data from another decade of work. He describes the efforts at a new farm at Wadi Mashash, extends the weather data another ten years, presents further work on the adaptations of plants and animals to desert conditions, and takes a much deeper look at the historical precedents for the method of runoff agriculture, which has made the desert bloom.
This incisive history upends the complacency that confines anti-Judaism to the ideological extremes in the Western tradition. With deep learning and elegance, David Nirenberg shows how foundational anti-Judaism is to … This incisive history upends the complacency that confines anti-Judaism to the ideological extremes in the Western tradition. With deep learning and elegance, David Nirenberg shows how foundational anti-Judaism is to the history of the West. Questions of how we are Jewish and, more critically, how and why we are not have been churning within the Western imagination throughout its history. Ancient Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans; Christians and Muslims of every period; even the secularists of modernity have used Judaism in constructing their visions of the world. The thrust of this tradition construes Judaism as an opposition, a danger often from within, to be criticized, attacked, and eliminated. The intersections of these ideas with the world of power-the Roman destruction of the Second Temple, the Spanish Inquisition, the German Holocaust-are well known. The ways of thought underlying these tragedies can be found at the very foundation of Western history.
Foreword Charles TillyIntroduction: Islamic Activism and Social Movement Theory Quintan WiktorowiczPart I. Violence and Contention1. From Marginalization to Massacres: A Political Process Explanation of GIA Violence in Algeria Mohammed M. … Foreword Charles TillyIntroduction: Islamic Activism and Social Movement Theory Quintan WiktorowiczPart I. Violence and Contention1. From Marginalization to Massacres: A Political Process Explanation of GIA Violence in Algeria Mohammed M. Hafez 2. Violence as Contention in the Egyptian Islamic Movement Mohammed M. Hafez and Quintan Wiktorowicz 3. Repertoires of Contention in Contemporary Bahrain Fred H. Lawson 4. Hamas as Social Movement Glenn E. RobinsonPart II. Networks and Alliances5. The Networked World of Islamist Social Movements Diane Singerman 6. Islamist Women in Yemen: Informal Nodes of Activism Janine A. Clark 7. Collective Action with and without Islam: Mobilizing the Bazaar in Iran Benjamin Smith 8. The Islah Party in Yemen: Political Opportunities and Coalition Building in a Transitional Polity Jillian SchwedlerPart III. Culture and Frames9. Interests, Ideas, and Islamist Outreach in Egypt Carrie Rosevsky Wickham 10. Making Conversation Permissible: Islamism and Reform in Saudi Arabia Gwenn Okruhlik 11. Opportunity Spaces, Identity, and Islamic Meaning in Turkey M. Hakan YavuzConclusion: Social Movement Theory and Islamic Studies Charles Kurzman
Rafat Al Rousan , Hala Hassan | 3L The Southeast Asian Journal of English Language Studies
Lina Saleh | 3L The Southeast Asian Journal of English Language Studies
This paper argues that the encounter of Ethiopian Israeli students with the national hegemony, epistemic racism, and whiteness within Israeli academia has led them to deconstruct hegemonic narratives, epistemologies, and … This paper argues that the encounter of Ethiopian Israeli students with the national hegemony, epistemic racism, and whiteness within Israeli academia has led them to deconstruct hegemonic narratives, epistemologies, and spatial structures, contributing to a broader process of decolonizing the Israeli academy. Drawing on interviews with 50 Jewish Ethiopian female students and graduates regarding their racialized experiences in Israeli academia, this paper examines the dual positioning of this group, shaped by their simultaneous encounters with their identities as both racialized Black Jews and as “inferior settlers”: First, when they encounter national exclusion within the academic space and experience themselves as racialized others; and second, when they interact with Palestinian students who define them as part of the settler “other.” By revealing their dual positioning, they challenge the core elements (national, religious, and colonial) of the Zionist Israeli/settler identity, reclaiming their Ethiopian epistemology through these fundamental axes. This paper introduces a new theoretical layer to Israeli scholarship by examining the racialized experiences of Black Jewish migrants through the white-black axis—an approach that largely overlooks their positioning within colonial-indigenous matrices. These axes underscore the anchors through which Israeli academia must undergo decolonization.
Abstract This article explores the dynamics of urban peripheries in Mandate Palestine, focusing on the Jewish neighbourhoods of Bat Galim in Haifa and HaTikvah near Tel Aviv and Jaffa. It … Abstract This article explores the dynamics of urban peripheries in Mandate Palestine, focusing on the Jewish neighbourhoods of Bat Galim in Haifa and HaTikvah near Tel Aviv and Jaffa. It argues that the social and geographical isolation of these peripheries created a dual dynamic: strengthening bonds within the neighbourhood communities while also giving rise to significant conflicts, both within the Jewish society and in Jewish–Arab relations. Drawing on archival sources, letters and interviews, the research examines resident agency, social tensions and inter-communal interactions, demonstrating how these peripheries shaped urban society and culture under British colonial rule through processes of separation and connection.
Jewish dissent on Zionism prior to Israeli statehood in 1948 and beyond 7 October 2023 complicates our understanding of history, while it may allow us to reimagine the present. Fast … Jewish dissent on Zionism prior to Israeli statehood in 1948 and beyond 7 October 2023 complicates our understanding of history, while it may allow us to reimagine the present. Fast forward through seventy-seven years of Israel’s occupation of Palestine to 7 October 2023, when Hamas, the Palestinian military group from Gaza, attacked Israel. The cataclysmic series of events which followed have upended timeworn narratives and tropes which have served a range of political agendas. Often-overlooked critical distinctions between Judaism and Zionism now demand investigation and clarification. 2024 bore witness to US academic institutions having lost a way to support free speech. Antisemitism became a wedge issue to deflect from the war on Gaza and legitimate demands for justice for Palestine. The occurrences on 7 October 2023, and their aftermath, demand a reconsideration of earlier Jewish voices of conscience whose dissent has too often been silenced, marginalized, and dismissed. As well, the real time responses of current Jewish theologians, scholars, historians, educators, activists, and journalists in Part III inform, enlighten, and inspire rethinking.
El objetivo de este artículo es revisar la cuestión del régimen de ciudadanía impuesto a los palestinos del 48 (ciudadanos palestinos de Israel) desde la perspectiva de la autodeterminación. Con … El objetivo de este artículo es revisar la cuestión del régimen de ciudadanía impuesto a los palestinos del 48 (ciudadanos palestinos de Israel) desde la perspectiva de la autodeterminación. Con ello, el artículo intenta alcanzar dos objetivos: primero, explicar cómo la negación del derecho a la autodeterminación a los palestinos del 48, mediante la Ley del Estado-Nación de 2018, forma parte de la lógica de eliminación del régimen colonial de Israel. El artículo concluye que la Ley del Estado-Nación marca un punto de inflexión en el proyecto colonial de asentamiento israelí, que degradó el estatus legal de los palestinos del 48, pasando de ciudadanos con ciudadanía colonial a residentes permanentes de facto en su patria. Esto, a su vez, explica cómo la negación de la autodeterminación a los palestinos del 48 refuerza la supremacía y la dominación judías, ampliando el alcance territorial del régimen de apartheid israelí hasta abarcar toda la zona comprendida entre el río Jordán y el mar Mediterráneo. En segundo lugar, el artículo intenta contextualizar la lucha de los palestinos del 48 dentro de una agenda emancipadora más amplia que desafía la eliminación política del pueblo palestino, impulsada mediante la fragmentación geográfica, jurídica y política de los palestinos.
Marat Grinberg | Oxford University Press eBooks
Abstract This chapter analyzes Jewish representation, both unambiguous and oblique, in Soviet cinema and television of the 1960s and 1970s. It uncovers the intertextual, artistic, moral, and philosophical dimensions of … Abstract This chapter analyzes Jewish representation, both unambiguous and oblique, in Soviet cinema and television of the 1960s and 1970s. It uncovers the intertextual, artistic, moral, and philosophical dimensions of this representation and how it compares to the configurations of Jewishness in other cinematic traditions. Specifically, the chapter examines Jewishness in the five-part television mini-series, The Place of Meeting Cannot Be Changed (1979), directed by Stanislav Govorukhin and based on the brothers Vayners’ novel The Era of Mercy; the film The Magician (1967), directed by Piotr Todorovsky; the mini-series The Adjutant of His Excellency (1969); and the film Intervention (1968), directed by Gennady Poloka. The chapter also provides an auteur case study of Jewishness in Soviet cinema of this period: Alexei German (1938–2013), one of the most original and daring of post–World War II Soviet directors. Of particular significance from the Jewish standpoint are German films, My Friend Ivan Lapshin (1984) and Khrustalev, Get the Car (2000). Even though the last film was produced during the post-Soviet period, it is part and parcel of Soviet Jewish politics and history and is the culmination of German’s preoccupation with them.
Assma Moujane | The Review of Contemporary Scientific and Academic Studies
In response to violence and repression against Jews in Europe in the late ninetieth century, prominent Jews challenged the prevailing idea that Jewish safety required a homeland of their own … In response to violence and repression against Jews in Europe in the late ninetieth century, prominent Jews challenged the prevailing idea that Jewish safety required a homeland of their own in historic Palestine. The Nazi Holocaust galvanized world sympathy and support for this idea, known as political Zionism. The state of Israel was established in 1948. Before, during, and after the establishment of Israel, Jewish notables such as Ahad Ha 'Am, Martin Buber, Judah Magnes, and Albert Einstein expressed grave concern about the impact of a Jewish state on the indigenous population of historic Palestine. Their dissent centered on upholding the longstanding Jewish ethical tradition of justice, equality, and freedom. Jewish safety never required exclusive Jewish sovereignty in historic Palestine, where for centuries Palestinian Christians, Jews, and Muslims had made their homes and thrived. Yet with deliberate and well-documented intention to create a demographic majority, including supremacy over the indigenous Palestinian population, Israeli forces destroyed Palestinian villages, expelled or "transferred" the Palestinian population, and eventually repopulated the land with Jewish-only settlements, making return for Palestinians impossible. Indigenous Palestinians refer to this period as the Nakba, which means the Catastrophe in Arabic. Over time, Israel’s expansionist policies of conquest, militarism, and occupation created an infrastructure of systemic injustice. Palestinians responded with violent and non-violent resistance. Jews of conscience spoke out about these injustices committed in their names as Jews. Part I chronicles and seeks to reclaim, affirm, and reckon with early voices of dissent through 2008.
Thoughtful responses by Jews of Conscience to Israel’s history of record offer fresh insights into how Israeli policies of occupation, apartheid, and the seventy-seven-year Palestinian struggle for equality and human … Thoughtful responses by Jews of Conscience to Israel’s history of record offer fresh insights into how Israeli policies of occupation, apartheid, and the seventy-seven-year Palestinian struggle for equality and human rights have been obscured, dismissed, and ignored. From the beginning, Israeli leadership carefully planned and implemented policies of supremacy and privilege, including an illegal occupation, home demolitions, confiscation of property, child detention, a two-tiered justice system, settlement expansion, checkpoints, bypass roads, a separation barrier, family separations, and apartheid. These policies have continued unabated. Some Jewish voices of dissent claim the Nakba continues, as daily life for Palestinians, particularly in the West Bank and Gaza, is fraught with Israeli domination and violations of international law, as well as unnecessary Palestinian suffering and deprivation of their basic human rights. A careful reading of Part II may suggest a way to contextualize the Hamas attack on Israel on 7 October 2023.
Susan Landau | Open Book Publishers
Susan Landau | Open Book Publishers
La singular y siempre subjetiva mirada de Ilan Pappé sobre el conflicto palestino-israelí es útil porque aporta múltiples capas de conocimiento fáctico, imprescindibles para abundar concienzuda mente en la complejidad … La singular y siempre subjetiva mirada de Ilan Pappé sobre el conflicto palestino-israelí es útil porque aporta múltiples capas de conocimiento fáctico, imprescindibles para abundar concienzuda mente en la complejidad coyuntural del territorio palestino y de la política israelí. En este artículo reseña se pretende, por un lado, descubrir a los potenciales lectores las virtudes de una de sus obras más recientes, La cárcel más grande de la tierra: una historia de los territorios ocupados (2017), texto que sumerge al lector en los intrincados mecanismos de gestión que operan en la terrible realidad que se vive en los territorios ocupados, y, por otro, yendo más allá de la mera reseña, emplazar la idiosincrásica obra de Pappé en un difícil marco de realidad histórica, que asimismo se acomoda a la contemporaneidad del incesante conflicto, buscando verdad a partir del entendimiento.
Ritual has long served as a central axis of religious life, not only structuring practice but also transmitting meaning across generations. This article offers a new perspective on how Hasidic … Ritual has long served as a central axis of religious life, not only structuring practice but also transmitting meaning across generations. This article offers a new perspective on how Hasidic thought reconfigures the medieval Jewish genre of ta‘amei ha-mitzvot—meanings for the commandments—by transforming halakhah into a sustained mnemonic system for theological transmission and communal continuity. Focusing on Rabbi Nathan Sternhartz’s Likkutei Halakhot, a 19th-century Hasidic commentary on the Shulḥan Arukh, the study explores how Bratslav Hasidism embeds the kabbalistic teachings of Rabbi Nachman of Bratslav within the legal framework of Jewish ritual practice. It argues that Rabbi Nathan developed a distinctive mnemonic strategy that integrates symbolic and theological meaning into halakhic detail, enabling the internalization of Bratslav theology through repeated ritual action. Through close textual analysis, historical contextualization, cognitive theory, and a case study of Kiddushin rituals, this article demonstrates how halakhah becomes not only a vehicle for theological cognition but also a mechanism for sustaining religious identity and memory within a post-charismatic Hasidic community. More broadly, the study contributes to discussions of ritual, memory, and symbolic reasoning in religious life.
| State University of New York Press eBooks
Rossitsa Varadinova Borkowski | State University of New York Press eBooks
The chapter analyses the historical experiences of Maria, a Swedish Polish Jewish Holocaust survivor born in 1926. The analysis focus on two experiences, the first that she survived the Holocaust … The chapter analyses the historical experiences of Maria, a Swedish Polish Jewish Holocaust survivor born in 1926. The analysis focus on two experiences, the first that she survived the Holocaust in the Soviet Union and the second that she migrated to Sweden in 1970 owing to the antisemitic campaign in Poland. The aim is to examine how one person’s historical experiences of forced migration, displacement, survival, and integration can be understood in relation to the public historical consciousness in Sweden. The chapter also aims in the opposite direction and displays how this woman’s historical experiences can contribute to the historical consciousness. The Holocaust is central in the historical culture. Yet so are the experience of survival in the Soviet Union and the experience of the antisemitic campaign at the margins of public historical consciousness. The chapter argues for a less peripheral role for these experiences.
The research represents an endeavor to analyze "the literature of the Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish" concerning the themes of political and humanitarian commitment in his poetry. It explores how the … The research represents an endeavor to analyze "the literature of the Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish" concerning the themes of political and humanitarian commitment in his poetry. It explores how the poet grappled with the tragedy of the Palestinian issue, wherein entire lives were transformed into a resistance and struggle for existence and identity against a usurping and deadly enemy that sought to subvert facts and camouflage matters. Through literature, Mahmoud Darwish sought to depict the plight of the Palestinian individual, the suffering endured, and the aspirations tied to the liberation of a land unjustly stolen. Darwish endeavored to articulate the dreams of refugees and displaced individuals, emphasizing the longing to return to their homeland, Palestine. For him, this return represented a dream that must be realized, as it serves as a guarantee for the survival of Palestine and the preservation of Palestinian self, existence, and identity. In pursuit of this objective, Mahmoud Darwish employed a variety of literary styles, employing the most apt words and structures with exceptional skill. His proficiency allowed him to resist occupation, thereby securing Palestine for its people and maintaining it as a haven of peace.
Bu çalışma, İsrail’in hem vatandaş statüsündeki Filistinlilere hem de işgal altındaki topraklarda yaşayan Filistinlilere yönelik politikalarının bir apartheid rejimi oluşturduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. Makale apartheid kavramını siyasi rejim boyutuyla ele alarak, … Bu çalışma, İsrail’in hem vatandaş statüsündeki Filistinlilere hem de işgal altındaki topraklarda yaşayan Filistinlilere yönelik politikalarının bir apartheid rejimi oluşturduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. Makale apartheid kavramını siyasi rejim boyutuyla ele alarak, Siyonist ideolojinin yerleşimci-sömürgeci karakterinin, İsrail devletinin kuruluş süreci ve işgal politikalarıyla nasıl kurumsallaştığını ve bu süreçte Filistinlilerin parçalanmış, haklardan yoksun bırakılmış bir halk haline getirildiğini ortaya koymaktadır. Bu kapsamda siyonist hareketin tarihî gelişimi, yerleşimci-sömürgecilik çerçevesinde ele alınarak, bu ideolojinin İsrail’in temel yapısına nasıl içkin hale geldiği gösterilmektedir. İsrail’in vatandaşlık, mülkiyet, aile birleşimi ve hareket özgürlüğü gibi alanlardaki ayrımcı yasaları, Filistinlilerin temel haklara erişimini engellemekte; onları farklı statülere bölerek yekpare bir toplumsal bütünlük kurmalarını imkânsızlaştırmaktadır. Dolayısıyla İsrail ve başta Amerika Birleşik Devletleri olmak üzere onun Batılı destekçilerinin, İsrail’i “canlı bir demokrasi” olarak tanımlamalarına rağmen, İsrail’in artık yalnızca bir etnokrasi değil, açıkça bir apartheid rejimi olduğu uluslararası arenada daha fazla kabul görmektedir. Nitekim yalnızca yerel sivil toplum kuruluşları değil, uluslararası kurumlar da İsrail’i apartheid rejimi olarak tanımlamaktadır. Bu çerçevede makale, “Filistinli Arap vatandaşlarına karşı ayrımcılığın var olduğu ve Filistin topraklarının sürekli işgal altında tutulduğu bir liberal demokrasi olabilir mi?” sorusundan hareketle, İsrail’in nerede oldukları fark etmeksizin -İsrail kontrolündeki veya işgali altındaki topraklardaki- Filistinlilere yönelik ayrımcı ve baskıcı uygulamalarının ayrımcılığı sistematikleştiren bir apartheid rejimi olduğunu ortaya koymakta ve uluslararası toplumun bu duruma karşı sorumluluklarını tartışmaya açmaktadır.
The paper discusses the political significance and historical accuracy of maps that visualize competing historical claims about the land of Palestine, with specific emphasis on maps that have recently been … The paper discusses the political significance and historical accuracy of maps that visualize competing historical claims about the land of Palestine, with specific emphasis on maps that have recently been the object of debate or criticism. After an initial overview of the role played by cartographic representations of ancient Israel and of the land of Palestine in the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the paper presents the recent debates on the “Disappearing Palestine” map series and on the resurgence of visual representations of “greater Israel” promoted even by official Israeli social media account. By discussing the historical accuracy of these representations and the political agendas that they (and their critics) intend to promote, it confutes some of the criticism levelled against the visual representation of the Palestinian loss of land since the Mandate, and provides a critical outlook into the role of scientific objectivity in the cartographic representation of intractable conflicts.
In every society, ideological changes deeply influence politics, policy makers and political parties, shaping their views, plans and election programs in the struggle for power. Inevitably, such changes have so … In every society, ideological changes deeply influence politics, policy makers and political parties, shaping their views, plans and election programs in the struggle for power. Inevitably, such changes have so far influenced political parties of Israel and their views on the Arab-Israeli conflict. This article has aimed to research ideological changes in Israel in the context of political parties between 1948, the year of the establishment of Israel as a state, and until the end of the 20th century, when the long-term shift from left to right largely ended with the ultimate victory of rightist ideologies in Israel. In the first decades after the establishment of the State of Israel, where the dominant political and social ideology consisted of leftist notions, approaches and views of political parties to various issues, first of all to the Arab-Israeli conflict, remarkably differed from those of rightist political parties, which gradually gained popularity and came to power in late 70’s and implemented far more strict policies in regard to the mentioned conflict, nevertheless showing a definite degree of moderation in comparison to their former ideological stand. As the global ideological and political situation changed and reshaped under new conditions, so changed, depending on various factors, the balance of ideologies in Israel, reshaping views and approaches, which inevitably strongly influenced the course of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Research of this long term shift, among others, can contribute to learning the history of political ideologies and their development course in Israel in the first 50 years of existence as a state, as well as understanding the balance of political ideologies in Israel in the new millennium.
As the dust settled on the 2024 U.S. presidential election, a few demographic trends came into focus. Perhaps one important trend saw that the war in Gaza was an incredibly … As the dust settled on the 2024 U.S. presidential election, a few demographic trends came into focus. Perhaps one important trend saw that the war in Gaza was an incredibly divisive issue for Democrats. Frustrated by what they perceived to be as President Biden’s indifference toward Palestinian suffering and political self-determination, many Arab and Muslim American activists decided not to vote for the Democratic nominee for President, Vice President Kamala Harris. Traditionally, Muslim American communities such as those in Dearborn, Michigan, which were Democratic strongholds, interpreted the atrocities in Gaza as a genocide and refused to support the Democratic candidate. They did not fill in a vote for either presidential candidate. Interestingly, only twenty percent of Jewish Americans did not vote for Vice President Harris. Yet, unlike most of their Muslim American neighbors, this twenty percent voted for President Trump, primarily because of his unequivocal support for the state of Israel and his support of its current right-wing, authoritarian nationalist government there. Most of these Jewish Americans were members of Orthodox Jewish communities, who were both fearful of and outraged by Hamas’ murderous rampage on October 7, 2023. These two communities seem to be living in two starkly separate political and religious realities.
Anne Lene Stein | Babylon Nordisk tidsskrift for Midtøstenstudier
William Mangold | Routledge eBooks