Social Sciences â€ș Political Science and International Relations

Policing Practices and Perceptions

Description

This cluster of papers explores the impact of procedural justice, legitimacy, and racial bias on public support for policing. It delves into topics such as community policing, citizen perceptions, use of force, and the influence of police culture on public trust. The research also examines the role of social identity in shaping attitudes towards law enforcement.

Keywords

Procedural Justice; Police Legitimacy; Racial Bias; Community Policing; Public Trust; Law Enforcement; Citizen Perceptions; Police Culture; Use of Force; Social Identity

This paper is timely, given that is currently going through a period of significant change in both operational tactics and organisational structures. New ideas in crime reduction and changes to 
 This paper is timely, given that is currently going through a period of significant change in both operational tactics and organisational structures. New ideas in crime reduction and changes to short- and long-term strategies are underway. Intelligence-led represents a recent approach and is one of the more prevalent of the current shifts in crime control philosophy and practice (Maguire 2000). Surprisingly, given the wide distribution of the term considerable confusion remains in regard to its actual meaning to both front-line officers and police management. This paper provides an introduction to and discusses some of the related limitations and opportunities. Adam Graycar Director Since the 1990s, policing (also known as intelligence-driven policing) has entered the lexicon of modern policing, especially in the UK and more recently Australia. Yet even with the ability of ideas and innovation to spread throughout the world at the click of a mouse, there is still a lack of clarity among many in law enforcement as to what is, what it aims to achieve, and how it is supposed to operate. This can be seen in recent inspection reports of Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary (HMIC) in the UK (HMIC 2001, 2002), and in the lack of clarity regarding in the United States. A recent summit in March 2002 of over 120 criminal intelligence experts from across the US, funded by the US government and organised by the International Association of Chiefs of Police, may become a turning point in within the US. The participants called for a National Intelligence Plan, with one of the core recommendations being to promote through a common understanding of criminal intelligence and its usefulness (IACP 2002, p. v). The aspirations of the summit are considerable, but what is unclear from the summit report is a sound understanding of the aims of and its relationship to crime reduction. As is now a term in common usage within Australian law enforcement (a search of web pages and media releases found the term intelligence-led in all Australian police sites and the web site of the Australian Crime Commission), it is timely to consider the origins of policing, the crime reduction levers it aims to pull, and the limitations and possibilities for this type of operational practice. Origins of Intelligence-led Policing Intelligence-led entered the police lexicon at some time around the early 1990s. As Gill (1998) has noted, the origins of are a little indistinct, but the earliest references to it originate in the UK where a seemingly inexorable rise in crime during the late 1980s and early 1990s coincided with increasing calls for police to be more effective and to be more cost-efficient. The driving forces for this move to a strategy were both external and internal to policing. External drivers included an inability of the traditional, reactive model of to cope with the rapid changes in globalisation which have increased opportunities for transnational organised crime and removed physical and technological barriers across the domain. In the society (Ericson & Haggerty 1997) the police were seen as the source of risk data for a range of external institutions. With such an influence beyond the boundaries of law enforcement, it was never going to be long before the new public management drive to increase efficiency in public agencies reached the police. At the same time there was an internal recognition that changes were taking place in the dynamic relationship between the private security industry and the public police. 

This research updates and expands upon Decker’s article “Citizen attitudes toward the police: a review of past findings and suggestions for future policy” by summarizing the findings from more than 
 This research updates and expands upon Decker’s article “Citizen attitudes toward the police: a review of past findings and suggestions for future policy” by summarizing the findings from more than 100 articles on perceptions of and attitudes toward the police. Initially, the value of research on attitudes toward the police is discussed. Then the research pertaining to the impact of individual level variables (e.g. race) and contextual level variables (e.g. neighborhood) on perceptions of the police is reviewed. Studies of juveniles’ attitudes toward the police, perceptions of police policies and practices, methodological issues and conceptual issues are also discussed. This review of the literature indicates that only four variables (age, contact with police, neighborhood, and race) have consistently been proven to affect attitudes toward the police. However, there are interactive effects between these and other variables which are not yet understood; a finding which indicates that theoretical generalizations about attitudes toward police should be made with caution.
Providing a rich picture of past and present undercover work, and drawing on unpublished documents and interviews with the FBI and local police, this penetrating study examines the variety of 
 Providing a rich picture of past and present undercover work, and drawing on unpublished documents and interviews with the FBI and local police, this penetrating study examines the variety of undercover operations and the ethical issues and empirical assumptions raised when the state officially sanctions deception and trickery and allows its agents to participate in crime.
Exploring the relationship between procedural justice and citizen perceptions of police is a well‐trodden pathway. Studies show that when citizens perceive the police acting in a procedurally just manner—by treating 
 Exploring the relationship between procedural justice and citizen perceptions of police is a well‐trodden pathway. Studies show that when citizens perceive the police acting in a procedurally just manner—by treating people with dignity and respect, and by being fair and neutral in their actions—they view the police as legitimate and are more likely to comply with directives and cooperate with police. Our article examines both the direct and the indirect outcomes of procedural justice policing, tested under randomized field trial conditions. We assess whether police can enhance perceptions of legitimacy during a short, police‐initiated and procedurally just traffic encounter and how this single encounter shapes general views of police. Our results show significant differences between the control and experimental conditions: Procedurally just traffic encounters with police (experimental condition) shape citizen views about the actual encounter directly and general orientations toward the police relative to business‐as‐usual traffic stops in the control group. The theorized model is supported by our research, demonstrating that the police have much to gain from acting fairly during even short encounters with citizens.
Legitimacy (or “the right to exercise power”) is now an established concept in criminological analysis, especially in relation to policing. Substantial empirical evidence shows the importance of legitimacy in securing 
 Legitimacy (or “the right to exercise power”) is now an established concept in criminological analysis, especially in relation to policing. Substantial empirical evidence shows the importance of legitimacy in securing law‐abiding behavior and cooperation from citizens. Yet adequate theorization has lagged behind empirical evidence, and there has been a conflation of legitimacy with the cognate concepts of “trust” and of “obligation to obey the law.” By drawing on the work of Beetham (1991) and others (e.g., Bottoms and Tankebe, ), this study tests the hypothesis that the contents of the multiple dimensions of police legitimacy comprise procedural fairness, distributive fairness, lawfulness, and effectiveness. The study also investigates the relative influence of legitimacy and feelings of obligation on citizens’ willingness to cooperate with the police. Using data from London, the results substantiate the hypothesized dimensions of police legitimacy. In addition, legitimacy was found to exhibit both a direct influence on cooperation that is independent of obligation and an indirect influence that flows through people's felt obligations to obey the police. Implications for future research are discussed.
Part I: Understanding Police Culture Prologue 1. Culture and Knowledge 2. Issues in the Study of Police Culture 3. Culture and Cultural Themes 4. Articulating Police Culture and Its Environments: 
 Part I: Understanding Police Culture Prologue 1. Culture and Knowledge 2. Issues in the Study of Police Culture 3. Culture and Cultural Themes 4. Articulating Police Culture and Its Environments: Patterns of Line-Officer Interactions Part II: Themes of Police Culture Section I: Coercive Territorial Control 5. The Moral Transformation of Territory Theme: Dominion 6. Force Is Righteous Theme: Force 7. Crime Is War, Metaphor Theme: Militarization 8. Stopping Power Theme: Guns Section II: Themes of the Unknown 9. The Twilight World Theme: Suspicion 10. Danger Through the Lens of Culture Theme: Danger and Its Anticipation 11. Anything Can Happen on the Street Theme: Unpredictability and Situational Uncertainty 12. No Animal Out There Is Going to Beat Me Theme: Turbulence and Edge Control 13. Seductions of the Edge Theme: Seduction Section III: Cultural Themes of Solidarity 14. Angels and Assholes: The Construction of Police Morality Theme: Police Morality 15. Common Sense and the Ironic Deconstruction of the Obvious Theme: Common Sense 16. No Place for Sissies Theme: Masculinity 17. Mask of a Thousand Faces Theme: Solidarity 18. America's Great Guilty Crime Secret Theme: Racism Section IV: Loosely Coupling Cultural Themes 19. On Becoming Invisible Theme: Outsiders 20. Individualism and the Paradox of Personal Accountability Theme: Individualism 21. The Truth Game Theme: Deception 22. Cop Deterrence and the Soft Legal System Theme: Deterrence 23. The Petty Injustice and Everlasting Grudges Theme: Bullshit Section V: Death and Police Culture 24. Thinking About Ritual 25. The Culture Eater Theme: Death 26. Good-bye in a Sea of Blue Theme: Police Funerals
Abstract In recent years, the unique stress experienced by those who do ‘people work’ has been acknowledged by the helping professions as a widespread problem and has been recognized by 
 Abstract In recent years, the unique stress experienced by those who do ‘people work’ has been acknowledged by the helping professions as a widespread problem and has been recognized by social scientists as a topic requiring systematic research. This paper begins by briefly reviewing research on the type of job stress experienced by workers in the helping professions. Then, a study of 142 police couples is reported, illustrating the effects of job stress on family life. In a survey study, police officers and their wives described family interactions. Officers who were experiencing stress, as measured by the Maslach Burnout Inventory, were more likely to display anger, spend time off away from the family, be uninvolved in family matters, and to have unsatisfactory marriages. An examination of the coping patterns used to deal with the stress of police work highlights differences between coping strategies used by husbands versus wives.
Researchers have emphasized the importance of direct encounters with the police as a determinant of attitudes toward the police, yet cross-sectional studies allow for limited causal inference. This study includes 
 Researchers have emphasized the importance of direct encounters with the police as a determinant of attitudes toward the police, yet cross-sectional studies allow for limited causal inference. This study includes the measurement of attitudes before and after encounters with the police among African American, Hispanic, and White residents of Chicago. Contrary to previous research, direct contact with the police during the past year is not enough to change attitudes, but vicarious experience (i.e., learning that someone else has had a good or bad encounter with the police) does influence attitudes in a predictable manner. Also, residents’ initial attitudes about the police play a critical role in shaping their judgments of subsequent direct and indirect experiences as well as their future attitudes. The findings are discussed in terms of stereotypes about the police that are resistant to change.
Police sub-culture is often portrayed as a pervasive, malign and potent influence on the behaviour of officers. The grounds for this portrayal are, however, insubstantial and appear to rely more 
 Police sub-culture is often portrayed as a pervasive, malign and potent influence on the behaviour of officers. The grounds for this portrayal are, however, insubstantial and appear to rely more upon the condemnatory potential of the concept than its explanatory power. This article reviews the literature on police sub-culture and concludes that what occurs in the canteen is expressive talk designed to give purpose and meaning to inherently problematic occupational experience. The canteen is an arena of action separate from the street, where in contrast to the latter officers act before an audience of their peers.
This study explores two issues about police legitimacy. The first issue is the relative importance of police legitimacy in shaping public support of the police and policing activities, compared to 
 This study explores two issues about police legitimacy. The first issue is the relative importance of police legitimacy in shaping public support of the police and policing activities, compared to the importance of instrumental judgments about (1) the risk that people will be caught and sanctioned for wrongdoing, (2) the performance of the police in fighting crime, and/or (3) the fairness of the distribution of police services. Three aspects of public support for the police are examined: public compliance with the law, public cooperation with the police, and public willingness to support policies that empower the police. The second issue is which judgments about police activity determine people's views about the legitimacy of the police. This study compares the influence of people's judgments about the procedural justice of the manner in which the police exercise their authority to the influence of three instrumental judgments: risk, performance, and distributive fairness. Findings of two surveys of New Yorkers show that, first, legitimacy has a strong influence on the public's reactions to the police, and second, the key antecedent of legitimacy is the fairness of the procedures used by the police. This model applies to both white and minority group residents.
We test three different conceptual models—"experience with police," "quality of life," and "neighborhood context"—for directional accuracy and ability to explain satisfaction with the police. We also investigate whether these models 
 We test three different conceptual models—"experience with police," "quality of life," and "neighborhood context"—for directional accuracy and ability to explain satisfaction with the police. We also investigate whether these models help to explain the common finding that African-Americans are more dissatisfied with the police than are Caucasians. To do so, we use hierarchical linear modeling to simultaneously regress our outcome measure on clusters of citizen- and neighborhood-level variables. The analysis was conducted using recently collected information from the Project on Policing Neighborhoods (POPN). The data file consisted of survey responses from 5,361 citizens residing in 58 neighborhoods located in Indianapolis, Indiana and St. Petersburg, Florida. At the citizen level, the psychologically based "quality of life" model accounts for the greatest proportion of explained variance and provides the greatest directional accuracy. Also, residents of neighborhoods characterized by concentrated disadvantage express significantly less satisfaction with the police. In addition, neighborhood context reduces the negative effect of African-American status on satisfaction with police when a sparse citizen-level specification is used; racial variation in satisfaction with police persists, however, when citizen-level hierarchical models are specified more fully.
Recent studies by police departments and researchers confirm that police stop persons of racial and ethnic minority groups more often than whites relative to their proportions in the population. However, 
 Recent studies by police departments and researchers confirm that police stop persons of racial and ethnic minority groups more often than whites relative to their proportions in the population. However, it has been argued that stop rates more accurately reflect rates of crimes committed by each ethnic group, or that stop rates reflect elevated rates in specific social areas, such as neighborhoods or precincts. Most of the research on stop rates and police–citizen interactions has focused on traffic stops, and analyses of pedestrian stops are rare. In this article we analyze data from 125,000 pedestrian stops by the New York Police Department over a 15-month period. We disaggregate stops by police precinct and compare stop rates by racial and ethnic group, controlling for previous race-specific arrest rates. We use hierarchical multilevel models to adjust for precinct-level variability, thus directly addressing the question of geographic heterogeneity that arises in the analysis of pedestrian stops. We find that persons of African and Hispanic descent were stopped more frequently than whites, even after controlling for precinct variability and race-specific estimates of crime participation.
Abstract Understandings of police culture rely heavily on ethnographies conducted several decades ago. In these classic accounts, authors have identified recurring themes within police dispositions and practices over time and 
 Abstract Understandings of police culture rely heavily on ethnographies conducted several decades ago. In these classic accounts, authors have identified recurring themes within police dispositions and practices over time and space. There have, however, been important developments within policing contexts, some of which could be expected to transform the cultural ethos that has long underpinned the police identity. This article draws upon ethnographic research conducted in an English police force to explore how much of the classic characteristics of police culture have survived the period of transition. It shows that the underlying world view of officers displays remarkable continuity with older patterns, and argues that police culture endures because the basic pressures associated with the police role have not been removed. In light of this apparent durability of cultural themes, the article calls into question the increasingly accepted view that orthodox conceptions of police culture no longer make any sense. Keywords: police cultureorganisational changecore characteristicscommunity policing Notes 1. I particularly have in mind the Macpherson Report (Macpherson Citation1999) which famously declared that failure to properly investigate the racist murder of black student Stephen Lawrence in London was a consequence of 'institutional racism'. Media exposĂ©s of highly questionable police conduct have likewise propelled problems of police culture into public consciousness (e.g. BBC documentaries such as The Secret Policeman and Undercover Copper). 2. In order to preserve the anonymity of the Force, I have given the organisation a pseudonym. The names of all individual officers, and some details, have likewise been changed. 3. The latter are designed to manage those incidents requiring an immediate response or ones within short timescales, while the former are involved in community work. 4. The IMU comprised of five separate shifts (1–5), while the CAT officers operated along one shift system. 5. These included the promise of extra police powers, an expansion of the prison system and more severe prison sentences, the reduction of police paperwork and the enhanced recruitment of 'real' police constables (as opposed to civilian Police Community Support Officers, for example). 6. What is notable in these cases was officers' use of Section 5 of the Public Order Act 1986. This piece of legislation provides arrest powers for relatively trivial offences and was extensively employed by the police to charge people for offences to which they have no real defence (see also Dixon Citation1997). 7. On the face of it, these instances of 'easing' demonstrate that not all officers shared a thirst for action or worked with the dominant crime control model of policing. But it is worth emphasising that only certain types of crime – and people – were viewed within this framework. 8. There was a limit of what acceptable easing behaviour was, however. On one occasion, some officers were caught sleeping in the parade room during their night shift. This was heavily frowned upon by the other shifts as it meant they had left their patch wide open to 'outsiders'.
Racial profiling by the police has become an increasingly controversial issue in recent years, but we know little about the extent of the problem and even less about public perceptions 
 Racial profiling by the police has become an increasingly controversial issue in recent years, but we know little about the extent of the problem and even less about public perceptions of profiling. This article analyzes recent national survey data on citizens' views of racial profiling. We find that both race and personal experience with profiling are strong predictors of attitudes toward profiling and that, among blacks, social class affects views of the prevalence and acceptability of the practice. The findings on social class point to the need for further investigation and explanation of class influences on evaluations of the police.
The process of organizational socialization is examined in a large, urban police department.This interpenetration and eventual fusion by which persons acquire the motives, sentiments and behavioral patterns of the occupational 
 The process of organizational socialization is examined in a large, urban police department.This interpenetration and eventual fusion by which persons acquire the motives, sentiments and behavioral patterns of the occupational culture is viewed from the perspective
Journal Article Race and Perceptions of Police Misconduct Get access Ronald Weitzer, Ronald Weitzer George Washington University Direct correspondence to: Ronald Weitzer, Department of Sociology, George Washington University, Washington, DC 
 Journal Article Race and Perceptions of Police Misconduct Get access Ronald Weitzer, Ronald Weitzer George Washington University Direct correspondence to: Ronald Weitzer, Department of Sociology, George Washington University, Washington, DC 20052. E-mail: [email protected] Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic PubMed Google Scholar Steven A. Tuch Steven A. Tuch George Washington University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic PubMed Google Scholar Social Problems, Volume 51, Issue 3, 1 August 2004, Pages 305–325, https://doi.org/10.1525/sp.2004.51.3.305 Published: 30 July 2014
Police departments across the USA are busily reinventing themselves, adopting a new style known as community policing. Police departments that succeed in adopting this new stance have an entirely different 
 Police departments across the USA are busily reinventing themselves, adopting a new style known as community policing. Police departments that succeed in adopting this new stance have an entirely different relationship to the public that they serve. Chicago made the transition, and this book examines why it did, how it did it, and how well it worked.
The acquittal of the four Los Angeles police officers who had been seen by the nation kicking and beating Rodney King on video tape, while 23 other officers looked on, 
 The acquittal of the four Los Angeles police officers who had been seen by the nation kicking and beating Rodney King on video tape, while 23 other officers looked on, precipitated mob violence and a sustained world-wide outcry against police violence. This study uses this incident and others like it to illustrate the nature of police violence, the extent of its presence in America today, and the possible ways to remedy a problem which is undermining public confidence in police. Skolnick and Fyfe argue that the police should be regarded and should regard themselves as officers deriving their authority from the law, obliged to acknowledge its moral force and constraints. They situate police use of excessive force in its historical perspective and explore the cultural world of policing - how the values and understandings police learn as they assume their jobs affect both attitude and performance.
This article examines the impact of personal experience on popular assessments of the quality of police service. Following past research, it addresses the influence of personal and neighbourhood factors on 
 This article examines the impact of personal experience on popular assessments of the quality of police service. Following past research, it addresses the influence of personal and neighbourhood factors on confidence in the police. It then focuses on the additional impact of positive and negative personal experiences with the police. Several studies of police encounters with the public have noted that the relationship between how people recall being treated and their general confidence in the police may be asymmetrical. At its worst, the police may get essentially no credit for delivering professional service, while bad experiences can deeply influence peoples’ views of their performance and even legitimacy. This proposition is tested using survey data on police-initiated and citizen-initiated contacts with police in Chicago. The findings indicate that the impact of having a bad experience is four to fourteen times as great as that of having a positive experience, and the coefficients associated with having a good experience—including being treated fairly and politely, and receiving service that was prompt and helpful—were not statistically different from zero. Another section of the article replicates this finding using surveys of residents of seven other urban areas located in three different countries. The article concludes that this is bad news indeed for police administrators intent on solidifying their support among voters, taxpayers and the consumers of police services.
Following the distinction proposed by Banton, police work consists of two relatively different activities: law enforcement and the peace. The latter is not determined by a clear legal mandate and 
 Following the distinction proposed by Banton, police work consists of two relatively different activities: law enforcement and the peace. The latter is not determined by a clear legal mandate and does not stand under any system of external control. Instead, it developed as a craft in response to a variety of demand conditions. One such condition is created by the concentration of certain types of persons on skid-row. Patrolmen have a particular conception of the social order of skid-row life that determines the procedures of control they employ. The most conspicuous features of the peace keeping methods used are an aggressively personalized approach to residents, an attenuated regard for questions of culpability, and the use of coercion, mainly in the interest of managing situations rather than persons.
Research Summary This study examined 40 African‐American young men's direct and vicarious experiences with police harassment and violence, and their impact on perceptions of police. Study findings highlight the value 
 Research Summary This study examined 40 African‐American young men's direct and vicarious experiences with police harassment and violence, and their impact on perceptions of police. Study findings highlight the value of using comprehensive and nuanced measures of police/citizen encounters and underscore the importance of examining the impact of accumulated adverse experiences. Policy Implications The findings have implications for police oversight policies. In particular, police organizations should work toward developing complaint review processes that are not merely accessible to citizens but also inspire confidence among them. These efforts are crucial toward improving the image of police in minority communities and positively impacting citizen trust of, and satisfaction with, the police.
ABSTRACT This paper reports the results of four studies that investigate racial profiling as an attribution about police motives. Each study explores, first, the types of police behavior that heighten 
 ABSTRACT This paper reports the results of four studies that investigate racial profiling as an attribution about police motives. Each study explores, first, the types of police behavior that heighten or lessen the occurrence of profiling attributions and, second, the consequences of such attributions. Results support prior studies in finding that judgments about whether the police are profiling are associated with the level of public support for the police. The studies then extend the analysis of subjective profiling judgments by examining their antecedents. The findings support the procedural justice hypothesis that the fairness with which the police exercise their authority influences whether members of the public view the police as profiling.
There is tension between the core tenets of procedural justice and those of order maintenance policing. Research has shown that citizens’ perceptions of procedural justice influence their beliefs about police 
 There is tension between the core tenets of procedural justice and those of order maintenance policing. Research has shown that citizens’ perceptions of procedural justice influence their beliefs about police legitimacy, yet at the same time, some order maintenance policing efforts stress frequent stops of vehicles and persons for suspected disorderly behavior. These types of programs can threaten citizens’ perceptions of police legitimacy because the targeted offenses are minor and are often not well‐defined. Citizens stopped for low‐level offenses may view such stops as a form of harassment, as they may not believe they were doing anything to warrant police scrutiny. This paper examines young men’s self‐described experiences with this style of proactive policing. Study findings highlight that order maintenance policing strategies have negative implications for police legitimacy and crime control efforts via their potential to damage citizens’ views of procedural justice.
A number of researchers have hypothesized that neighborhood context may influence police behavior. Data from sixty neighborhoods located in three large U. S. cities were analyzed using bivariate and multivariate 
 A number of researchers have hypothesized that neighborhood context may influence police behavior. Data from sixty neighborhoods located in three large U. S. cities were analyzed using bivariate and multivariate analyses of five measures of police behavior and eleven neighborhood characteristics to test the neighborhood context hypothesis. Police offer more assistance to residents and initiate more contacts with suspicious persons and suspected violators in racially heterogeneous neighborhoods. They are also less likely to stop suspicious persons in high-crime areas. Suspects encountered by police in lower-status neighborhoods run three times the risk of arrest compared with offenders encountered in higher-status neighborhoods, regardless of type of crime, race of offender, offender demeanor, and victim preferences for criminal arrest. Variation in police use of coercive authority among neighborhoods is linked to the racial composition of neighborhoods but is not attributable to the race of individuals confronted by police. Police response to crime victims is also influenced by neighborhood characteristics. Officers appear less likely to file incident reports in higher-crime neighborhoods when other variables are taken into consideration. A threshold effect may operate in which offenses must reach a higher level of seriousness in higher-crime neighborhoods before police report incidents. Neighborhood characteristics and police departmental structure and policies may interact to produce systematic, and therefore predictable, patterns of police behavior.
Public trust and confidence in the police is generally low, with minority group members especially mistrustful of the police. This study uses a sample of New Yorkers to examine, first, 
 Public trust and confidence in the police is generally low, with minority group members especially mistrustful of the police. This study uses a sample of New Yorkers to examine, first, whether trust is related to public willingness to cooperate with the police. The results suggest that it is. Second, this study examines the relationship of police policies and practices to trust in the police. The study finds that trust is most strongly influenced by public judgments about the fairness of the procedures that the police follow when exercising their authority. These process-based judgments are more influential than are either assessments of the effectiveness of police crime-control activities or judgments about the fairness of the police distribution of services. These findings support the process-based model of regulation.
Migration is increasingly interpreted as a security problem. The prism of security analysis is especially important for politicians, for national and local police organizations, the military police, customs officers, border 
 Migration is increasingly interpreted as a security problem. The prism of security analysis is especially important for politicians, for national and local police organizations, the military police, customs officers, border patrols, secret services, armies, judges, some social services (health care, hospitals, schools), private corporations (bank analysts, providers of technology surveillance, private policing), many journalists (especially from television and the more sensationalist newspapers), and a significant fraction of general public opinion, especially but not only among those attracted to law and order. The popularity of this security prism is not an expression of traditional responses to a rise of insecurity, crime, terrorism, and the negative effects of globalization; it is the result of the creation of a continuum of threats and general unease in which many different actors exchange their fears and beliefs in the process of making a risky and dangerous society. The professionals in charge of the management of risk and fear especially transfer the legitimacy they gain from struggles against terrorists, criminals, spies, and counterfeiters toward other targets, most notably transnational political activists, people crossing borders, or people born in the country but with foreign parents. This expansion of what security is taken to include effectively results in a convergence between the meaning of international and internal security. The convergence is particularly important in relation to the issue of migration, and specifically in relation to questions about who gets to be defined as an immigrant. The security professionals themselves, along with some academics, tend to claim that they are only responding to new threats requiring exceptional measures beyond the normal demands of everyday politics. In practice, however, the transformation of security and the consequent focus on immigrants is directly related to their own immediate interests (competition for budgets and missions) and to the transformation of technologies they use (computerized databanks, profiling and morphing, electronic phone tapping). The Europeanization and the Westernization of the logics of control and surveillance of people beyond national polices is driven by the creation of a transnational field of professionals in the management of unease. This field is larger than that of police organizations in that it includes, on one hand private corporations and organizations dealing with the control of access to the welfare state, and, on the other hand, intelligence services and some military people seeking a new role after the end of the Cold War. These professionals in the management of unease, however, are only a node connecting many competing networks responding to many groups of people who are identified as risk or just as a source of unease. (1) This process of securitization is now well known, but despite the many discourses that have drawn attention to the securitization of migration over the past ten years, the articulation of migration as a security problem continues. Why? What are the reasons of the persistent framing of migration in relation to terrorism, crime, unemployment and religious zealotry, on the one hand, and to integration, interest of the migrant for the national economy development, on the other, rather than in relation to new opportunities for European societies, for freedom of travel over the world, for cosmopolitanism, or for some new understanding of citizenship? (2) This is the question I want to address in this essay. Some critical discourses generated by NGOs and academics assume that if people, politicians, governments, bureaucracies, and journalists were more aware, they would change their minds about migration and begin to resist securitizing it. The primary problem, therefore, is ideological or discursive in that the securitization of migrants derives from the language itself and from the different capacities of various actors to engage in speech acts. 

Explanations of police coercion have been traditionally embedded within sociological, psychological, and organizational theoretical frameworks. Largely absent from the research are examinations exploring the role of neighborhood context on police 
 Explanations of police coercion have been traditionally embedded within sociological, psychological, and organizational theoretical frameworks. Largely absent from the research are examinations exploring the role of neighborhood context on police use-of-force practices. Using data collected as part of a systematic social observation study of police in Indianapolis, Indiana, and St. Petersburg, Florida, this research examines the influence of neighborhood context on the level of force police exercise during police-suspect encounters using hierarchical linear modeling techniques. The authors found police officers are significantly more likely to use higher levels of force when suspects are encountered in disadvantaged neighborhoods and those with higher homicide rates, net of situational factors (e.g., suspect resistance) and officer-based determinants (e.g., age, education, and training). Also found is that the effect of the suspect's race is mediated by neighborhood context. The results reaffirm Smith's 1986 conclusion that police officers “act differently in different neighborhood contexts.”
Prior tests of Tyler's process-based model of policing have left basic measurement questions unanswered. With a sample of 432 adults from a nationwide telephone survey conducted in spring 2005, factor-analytic 
 Prior tests of Tyler's process-based model of policing have left basic measurement questions unanswered. With a sample of 432 adults from a nationwide telephone survey conducted in spring 2005, factor-analytic procedures were used to develop more valid scales and to test process-based model hypotheses. Regression analyses confirmed that procedural justice judgments affect police legitimacy, which in turn influence both cooperation with police and compliance with the law. When legitimacy was disaggregated, trust in the police predicted both of the outcomes of interest. Obligation to obey, however, was not significantly associated with either compliance or cooperation. Finally, distributive fairness appeared to be as salient as legitimacy in facilitating participant cooperation.
This article makes three points. First, the police need public support and cooperation to be effective in their order-maintenance role, and they particularly benefit when they have the voluntary support 
 This article makes three points. First, the police need public support and cooperation to be effective in their order-maintenance role, and they particularly benefit when they have the voluntary support and cooperation of most members of the public, most of the time. Second, such voluntary support and cooperation is linked to judgments about the legitimacy of the police. A central reason people cooperate with the police is that they view them as legitimate legal authorities, entitled to be obeyed. Third, a key antecedent of public judgments about the legitimacy of the police and of policing activities involves public assessments of the manner in which the police exercise their authority. Such procedural-justice judgments are central to public evaluations of the police and influence such evaluations separately from assessments of police effectiveness in fighting crime. These findings suggest the importance of enhancing public views about the legitimacy of the police and suggest process-based strategies for achieving that objective.
Policing research and theory emphasises the importance of supportive relationships between police and the communities they serve in increasing police effectiveness in reducing crime and disorder. A key reason people 
 Policing research and theory emphasises the importance of supportive relationships between police and the communities they serve in increasing police effectiveness in reducing crime and disorder. A key reason people support police is that they view police as legitimate. The existing research literature, primarily from the United States, indicates that the most important factor in public assessments of police legitimacy is procedural justice. The present study is the first in an Australian jurisdiction to examine the effect of procedural justice and police legitimacy on public satisfaction with police. Using responses to a large postal survey (n = 2611), findings show that people who believe police use procedural justice when they exercise their authority are more likely to view police as legitimate, and in turn are more satisfied with police services. This study differs to US-based research in the greater importance of people's evaluations of instrumental factors in judgments of police legitimacy. The findings are important as they confirm that people's assessments of fair and effective policing in Australia will be enhanced by policing strategies that emphasise the use of procedural justice in encounters with the public.
The paper presents the results of a quasi-experimental evaluation of the impact of a policing initiative which aimed to reduce fear of crime and to improve the quality of life 
 The paper presents the results of a quasi-experimental evaluation of the impact of a policing initiative which aimed to reduce fear of crime and to improve the quality of life of residents in two chosen areas. The results show that the programme was fully implemented during the experimental period. There was no evidence that the programme achieved its major outcome goal of directly reducing the fear of crime. There was evidence, however, that the programme achieved its secondary goals, improving some aspects of the quality of life in the programme areas. The results showed significant improvements, in both programme areas, in respondents' involvement with neighbours in home protection, in satisfaction with the police, and in contact with the police. The results also showed significant improvements in at least one of the programme areas in satisfaction with the area, sense of community, and informal control of crime.
We use data on police-involved deaths to estimate how the risk of being killed by police use of force in the United States varies across social groups. We estimate the 
 We use data on police-involved deaths to estimate how the risk of being killed by police use of force in the United States varies across social groups. We estimate the lifetime and age-specific risks of being killed by police by race and sex. We also provide estimates of the proportion of all deaths accounted for by police use of force. We find that African American men and women, American Indian/Alaska Native men and women, and Latino men face higher lifetime risk of being killed by police than do their white peers. We find that Latina women and Asian/Pacific Islander men and women face lower risk of being killed by police than do their white peers. Risk is highest for black men, who (at current levels of risk) face about a 1 in 1,000 chance of being killed by police over the life course. The average lifetime odds of being killed by police are about 1 in 2,000 for men and about 1 in 33,000 for women. Risk peaks between the ages of 20 y and 35 y for all groups. For young men of color, police use of force is among the leading causes of death.
This paper extends Tyler’s procedural justice model of public compliance with the law. Analysing data from a national probability sample of adults in England and Wales, we present a new 
 This paper extends Tyler’s procedural justice model of public compliance with the law. Analysing data from a national probability sample of adults in England and Wales, we present a new conceptualization of legitimacy based on not just the recognition of power, but also the justification of power. We find that people accept the police’s right to dictate appropriate behaviour not only when they feel a duty to obey officers, but also when they believe that the institution acts according to a shared moral purpose with citizens. Highlighting a number of different routes by which institutions can influence citizen behaviour, our broader normative model provides a better framework for explaining why people are willing to comply with the law.
Objectives. We surveyed young men on their experiences of police encounters and subsequent mental health. Methods. Between September 2012 and March 2013, we conducted a population-based telephone survey of 1261 
 Objectives. We surveyed young men on their experiences of police encounters and subsequent mental health. Methods. Between September 2012 and March 2013, we conducted a population-based telephone survey of 1261 young men aged 18 to 26 years in New York City. Respondents reported how many times they were approached by New York Police Department officers, what these encounters entailed, any trauma they attributed to the stops, and their overall anxiety. We analyzed data using cross-sectional regressions. Results. Participants who reported more police contact also reported more trauma and anxiety symptoms, associations tied to how many stops they reported, the intrusiveness of the encounters, and their perceptions of police fairness. Conclusions. The intensity of respondent experiences and their associated health risks raise serious concerns, suggesting a need to reevaluate officer interactions with the public. Less invasive tactics are needed for suspects who may display mental health symptoms and to reduce any psychological harms to individuals stopped.
The traditional goal of legal authorities has been to obtain widespread public compliance with the law. Empirical research findings have shown that legitimacy—typically operationalized as the perceived obligation to obey 
 The traditional goal of legal authorities has been to obtain widespread public compliance with the law. Empirical research findings have shown that legitimacy—typically operationalized as the perceived obligation to obey and trust and confidence in the relevant institutions—plays an important role in achieving such compliance. But over time the goals of legal authorities have broadened in 2 ways. First, they increasingly include the desire to motivate willing cooperation, with legal authorities and members of the public working together to produce social order. Second, conceptions of the goals of the legal system have broadened to include the importance of promoting public engagement in communities in efforts to build social, political and economic vitality. Drawing on these broader goals—and building upon recent conceptual advances in the meaning of legitimacy—we report findings from a major new national survey of U.S. citizens. We examine the role that legitimacy plays in achieving each of these goals of law and in defining the policies and practices of the police and courts which influence legitimacy. Importantly, we also consider whether a focus on achieving this broader set of goals leads to a need to reexamine the traditional theoretical conception of legitimacy. Our findings support the utility of a multidimensional conception of legitimacy that differentiates between consent to authority and normative justifiability of power. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved)
The police have been particularly susceptible to the "means over ends" syndrome, placing more emphasis in their improvement efforts on organization and operating methods than on the substantive outcome of 
 The police have been particularly susceptible to the "means over ends" syndrome, placing more emphasis in their improvement efforts on organization and operating methods than on the substantive outcome of their work. This condition has been fed by the professional movement within the police field, with its concentration on the staffing, management, and organization of police agencies. More and more persons are questioning the widely held assumption that improvements in the internal man agement of police departments will enable the police to deal more effectively with the problems they are called upon to handle. If the police are to realize a greater return on the investment made in improving their oper ations, and if they are to mature as a profession, they must concern them selves more directly with the end product of their efforts.
In recent years, proactivity has become an essential component of evidence-based policing. However, research indicates that the day-to-day practice of proactivity is limited, inconsistent, and variable. In this study, we 
 In recent years, proactivity has become an essential component of evidence-based policing. However, research indicates that the day-to-day practice of proactivity is limited, inconsistent, and variable. In this study, we examine individual and organizational factors that may account for this variability using survey responses from a large suburban police agency in the Northeast U.S. Specifically, we assess the relationship between officer perceptions of organizational, individual, and external characteristics and their self-reported frequency of proactivity. Our results speak strongly to the importance of the organizational and structural environment. Officers who report higher expectations to be proactive, report stronger reward structures for proactivity, and feel more prepared to handle a variety of situations report significantly higher levels of proactivity. These findings are particularly strong for non-traditional and evidence-based forms of proactivity. Our findings provide preliminary guidance to agencies seeking to increase the use of proactive policing strategies during officers’ discretionary time.
Abstract Chapter 5 applies the due diligence framework developed in Chapter 4 to analyse police policy documentation. A number of key issues are surfaced, including the permissiveness of the policy 
 Abstract Chapter 5 applies the due diligence framework developed in Chapter 4 to analyse police policy documentation. A number of key issues are surfaced, including the permissiveness of the policy framework with respect to the purposes for which facial recognition technology (FRT) can be deployed. Of significance is the lack of detail with regard to how ‘suspicion’ is quantified, the absence of any real limitation regarding the type of offences for which FRT can be deployed, and the possibility of enrolling persons ‘of interest’ to the police on the watchlist. These raise specific concerns vis-à-vis the ‘in accordance with the law’ and ‘necessary in a democratic society’ tests.
In this paper, I explore LGBTQ people’s discursive frames of uniformed police officers (UPO) at their local Pride events. I draw on 46 interviews with LGBTQ people in two mid-sized 
 In this paper, I explore LGBTQ people’s discursive frames of uniformed police officers (UPO) at their local Pride events. I draw on 46 interviews with LGBTQ people in two mid-sized U.S. cities in the Southeast and Midwest. I find that respondents’ opinions of UPO at local Pride events existed on a spectrum, from enthusiastically supportive to viscerally opposed to perspectives that were contradictory or ambivalent. I argue that police-supportive respondents embrace what I call a carceral Pride logic rooted in investments in policing and punishment. Respondents who expressed support for police at Pride explained their attitudes by invoking a tone of progress regarding LGBTQ inclusion into mainstream society and (re)framing danger as coming from the religious right and/or mass violence and thus justifying police at Pride as a means of protection. In contrast, I argue that respondents who opposed police at Pride invoke what I call a resistance-solidarity logic to articulate the risks associated with “carceral Pride.” A third group of respondents who expressed conflicting feelings about UPO at Pride adopted an ambivalent investment in police presence, which revealed a tension between respondents’ desire for feeling safe from violence in public spaces accompanied by a skepticism regarding the ability for police to provide protection.
Abstract Objectives This study developed a framework for diagnosing some of the theoretical mechanisms underlying racial disparities in policing to inform the design and implementation of problem-oriented police reforms. Methods 
 Abstract Objectives This study developed a framework for diagnosing some of the theoretical mechanisms underlying racial disparities in policing to inform the design and implementation of problem-oriented police reforms. Methods We sample over 1.5 million traffic stops conducted between 2019 and 2023 in a state police agency and use the Veil-of-Darkness (VOD) method on a subset of 299,767 stops within the intertwilight period to demonstrate the utility of the diagnostic framework. This method utilizes weighted logistic regression with daylight as the primary independent variable and driver race as the dependent variable. Results As part of demonstrating the framework, we found that disparities were largely diffuse across the agency, with some concentration among officers and patrol regions. As such, it would be best to design multi-pronged trainings and interventions that reflect these distinct patterns observed in the agency. Conclusions The diagnostic framework provides a data-driven tool for researchers and practitioners to begin to understand where different types of racial disparity originate within police agencies. Future research building on this framework should explore the utility of incorporating alternative data sources and theoretical mechanisms, as well as assessing other metrics used to assess different types of racial disparities.
Este artigo investiga a circulação transnacional de modelos de policiamento comunitĂĄrio,reconstruindo a genealogia do Programa Vizinhança SolidĂĄria em SĂŁo Paulo. Com baseem abordagens genealĂłgicas e de difusĂŁo de polĂ­ticas, identifica 
 Este artigo investiga a circulação transnacional de modelos de policiamento comunitĂĄrio,reconstruindo a genealogia do Programa Vizinhança SolidĂĄria em SĂŁo Paulo. Com baseem abordagens genealĂłgicas e de difusĂŁo de polĂ­ticas, identifica como ideias, vocabulĂĄriose prĂĄticas institucionais associadas ao policiamento comunitĂĄrio atravessaram fronteirase emergiram no cenĂĄrio de segurança de SĂŁo Paulo. Com base em anĂĄlise documental eentrevistas, revela como as influĂȘncias internacionais sĂŁo frequentemente invisibilizadas poralegaçÔes de autoria local. Conclui que, ao traçar os fluxos multidirecionais da circulaçãode polĂ­ticas, o programa pode ser compreendido como um ponto nodal em redes degovernança transnacional da segurança.
This is a conceptual and explorative article that discusses how the police and policing in Sweden and the UK are affected by global and transnational conflicts, politics and events that 
 This is a conceptual and explorative article that discusses how the police and policing in Sweden and the UK are affected by global and transnational conflicts, politics and events that spill over into local contexts. Our examples are the riots after the burning of the Quran in Sweden during Easter 2022 and the riots that followed the murders in Southport in the UK in summer 2024. To deal with these and similar conflicts, we argue that the police must pay closer attention to global and transnational dimensions and events. Despite that there are empirical reasons for arguing that “the local” is closely entwined with “the global” in areas such as economics, politics and social media, there is very little (if any) research on how police and policing are affected by the complex processes that interlinks local delivery with global events, and how these tensions are experienced by and affecting police officers in their everyday work. This article wants to draw attention to this research lacuna and call for more research on how global and local dimensions are interlinked and have an effect on public discourses, conflicts and tensions in communities, and on policing.
Introduction Militaries and police forces have been increasingly deployed in response to humanitarian crises and public health emergencies. Existing studies have largely been concentrated around international interventions, overlooking US domestic 
 Introduction Militaries and police forces have been increasingly deployed in response to humanitarian crises and public health emergencies. Existing studies have largely been concentrated around international interventions, overlooking US domestic contexts and the perceptions of those receiving aid. Methods In recognition of these gaps, this research involved a survey of 1,500 Americans to understand opinions toward the utilization of the US military and local law enforcement as COVID-19 domestic pandemic responders at an unprecedented scale. Results A majority were complimentary of and comfortable with these armed actors' role in the response and supportive of involvement in future crises, with the military regarded more favorably than police. Trust in civilians, the military, and police is found to be role-based; favorability was inherently tied to the nature of services provided, whether healthcare, logistics, or enforcement-related. Perceptions were also strongly linked to one's vaccination status, political party affiliation, ideology, age, and gender. Underlying trust in civilian providers was evident, but often did not preclude one from favorable views of the military and law enforcement. Conclusion Ultimately, these results have implications on domestic policy in future national crisis scenarios and highlight the need for further research exploring if sentiment holds steady beyond the realm of public health and pandemics.
Abstract The transformation in the purposes, instruments, and conditions for the deployment of coercion was a central aspect of the modernization of Western European states during the long nineteenth century. 
 Abstract The transformation in the purposes, instruments, and conditions for the deployment of coercion was a central aspect of the modernization of Western European states during the long nineteenth century. Nowhere is this transformation as evident as in the emergence and diffusion of public, specialized, and professional police forces at the time. In this article, we employ automated text analysis to explore legislative debates on policing in the United Kingdom from 1803 to 1945. We identify three distinct periods in which policing was highly salient in Parliament, each of them related to more general processes driving the modernization of the British state. The first period (1830s–1850s) was marked by the institutionalization of modern police forces and their spread across Great Britain. The second period (1880s–1890s) was dominated by Irish MPs denouncing police abuses against their constituents. The third period (1900s–1940s) was characterized by discussions around working conditions for the police in the context of mounting social pressures and war-related police activities. Whereas the first and third periods have attracted much scholarly interest as they culminated in concrete police reforms, the second period has not been as central to historical research on the British police. We show, however, that policing became a major issue in the legislative agenda of the 1880s and 1890s, as it highlighted the tensions within a modernizing British state, torn between the professionalization of domestic police forces under control of local authorities and the persistence of imperial practices in its colonial territories.
Purpose This study examines changes in body-worn camera (BWC) policies. It aims to analyze trends in policy change, identify the drivers of policy change, and examine the degree of convergence 
 Purpose This study examines changes in body-worn camera (BWC) policies. It aims to analyze trends in policy change, identify the drivers of policy change, and examine the degree of convergence over time, offering insights into the growing implementation of BWCs in policing. Design/methodology/approach To study BWC policy change, we examine data collected through an established policy review process to compare the original (2016–2021) and current (as of September 2023) BWC policies of 160 law enforcement agencies that received federal funding for cameras. Surveys from two dozen agencies provided insights on the drivers of BWC policy change. Findings Results indicate BWC policy changes are common, as 81% of agencies changed their policies at least once. Overall, we documented 957 unique changes to policy. Changes often involved additional parameters or restrictions on a policy issue (42%), though complete removal of policy language was also common (36.1%). Changes in technology and lessons learned/experiences were the biggest drivers of BWC policy change. Drawing on institutional theory, we also conduct an exploratory examination of the degree of policy convergence over time (e.g. increased similarity), and the evidence is consistent with that theory. Originality/value Police leaders, researchers, and policymakers unanimously highlight the importance of administrative policy in guiding an agency’s body-worn camera (BWC) program. However, there have been virtually no studies on the topic, and fundamental questions about BWC policy (and change in BWC policy) remain unanswered. The findings have implications for the growing evidence base on BWCs, as well as for law enforcement agencies that deploy the technology.
Abstract This paper aims to support the growing scope of research investigating the effectiveness of de-escalation by police officers. Through a scoping review, we conceptualize de-escalation in police-citizen interactions by 
 Abstract This paper aims to support the growing scope of research investigating the effectiveness of de-escalation by police officers. Through a scoping review, we conceptualize de-escalation in police-citizen interactions by identifying the different components of de-escalation, the techniques it entails, and what we know about the effectiveness of these techniques. A comprehensive search of five databases (i.e., Criminal Justice Abstracts, APA PsycInfo, Scopus, Web of Science Core Collection, and International Bibliography of the Social Sciences) yielded 18 studies in the police and public order domain that described at least one de-escalation technique as part of their data. By summarizing and synthesizing the literature, we provide a framework of de-escalation and a detailed overview of all techniques found in the included literature. We conclude that the measures of effectiveness for de-escalation techniques vary, limiting the evidence base of what works de-escalating. We offer suggestions for future research to build upon these results and expand the evidence base on the efficiency of de-escalation techniques, as well as provide directions on how the results can be useful in developing de-escalation training.
Abstract Recurring high‐profile incidents of police misconduct in Canada have led to claims that Police Services Boards (PSBs) are often ineffective in carrying out their governance responsibilities and require significant 
 Abstract Recurring high‐profile incidents of police misconduct in Canada have led to claims that Police Services Boards (PSBs) are often ineffective in carrying out their governance responsibilities and require significant reform. Incidents such as the Freedom Convoy occupation in Ottawa demonstrate the consequences that can arise when police oversight fails to meet expectations. Although concerns about police oversight are not new, PSBs continue to suffer from challenges related to their structure and composition. In this study, we use publicly available data to examine the PSB competencies to better understand if these boards are currently equipped to carry out their roles.
Police decision-making is complex, marked by risk, high stakes, uncertainty, and time pressure. The National Decision Model (NDM), developed by the College of Policing, aims to standardise and improve decision-making 
 Police decision-making is complex, marked by risk, high stakes, uncertainty, and time pressure. The National Decision Model (NDM), developed by the College of Policing, aims to standardise and improve decision-making within UK police forces. While its ethical framework has received some academic attention, the NDM’s effectiveness in supporting decision-making across varied policing roles is largely unexamined. This article critically reviews the NDM’s foundations, evolution, and practical application, highlighting key limitations and the need for further research to determine its real-world efficacy. Without robust empirical validation, the NDM risks falling short in guiding officers through the demanding realities of modern policing.
ABSTRACT Police civilianization represents one of the most significant developments in contemporary policing. However, little is known about how marginalized communities, who are routinely subjected to civilian police work, perceive, 
 ABSTRACT Police civilianization represents one of the most significant developments in contemporary policing. However, little is known about how marginalized communities, who are routinely subjected to civilian police work, perceive, and experience these actors. Drawing upon interviews with 66 unhoused people who use drugs in Winnipeg (Canada), we compare participants’ perceptions of and experiences with the Winnipeg Police Services’ (WPS) Auxiliary Force Cadets—civilian police with limited legal authorities—and sworn WPS officers. Participants reflected on Cadets’ inferior legal authority to explain their invasive and aggressive policing style, whereas they perceived sworn officers as more passive. They thus modified their behaviours in response to their perceptions of and interactions with these different policing actors. We demonstrate how marginalized persons distinguish between varied policing actors, engaging in what we coin police actor demarcation , and analyze why this distinction matters with respect to how they navigate and interact with policing bodies.
Community security involves the collective efforts of local authorities, law enforcement, and residents to ensure the safety and well-being of all members within a given area. This study explored the 
 Community security involves the collective efforts of local authorities, law enforcement, and residents to ensure the safety and well-being of all members within a given area. This study explored the dynamics of collaboration between Barangay Peacekeeping Action Teams (BPATs) and police officers in ensuring the safety and security of the community in one of the barangays of Manolo Fortich Bukinon. This study utilized a phenomenological research design which is participated by total of twelve (12) participants chosen using purposive sampling. Moustakas’ method of data analysis was used in analyzing data. The study revealed five interrelated themes—ranging from collaborative synergy and trust-building to communication barriers and crime reduction—that underscore the critical role of sustained partnerships, clear communication, and coordinated efforts in enhancing public safety outcomes through BPAT-Police collaboration. The study concluded that strong collaboration among BPATs, police officers, and the community is essential in building trust, improving coordination, and achieving effective and sustainable public safety outcomes. It was recommended that local government units and law enforcement agencies institutionalize structured collaborative frameworks.
Andrew Crosby , Alexander McClelland , Tanya L. Sharpe +6 more | Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société
Abstract There is a lack of knowledge on deaths related to police use of force across Canada. Tracking (In)Justice is a research project that is trying to make sense of 
 Abstract There is a lack of knowledge on deaths related to police use of force across Canada. Tracking (In)Justice is a research project that is trying to make sense of the life and death outcomes of policing through developing a collaborative, interdisciplinary, and open-source database using publicly available sources. With a collaborative data governance approach, which includes communities most impacted and families of those killed by police, we document and analyze 745 cases of police-involved deaths when intentional force is used across Canada from 2000 to 2023. The data indicate a steady rise in deaths, in particular shooting deaths, as well as that Black and Indigenous people are over-represented. We conclude with reflections on the ethical complexities of datafication, knowledge development of what we call death data and the challenges of enumerating deaths, pitfalls of official sources, the data needs of communities, and the living nature of the Tracking (In)Justice project.
In the current environment of tension surrounding police reform, police–community relationships remain strained. Studies indicate interactions with the public play a role in officer wellness, experiences of safety, and career 
 In the current environment of tension surrounding police reform, police–community relationships remain strained. Studies indicate interactions with the public play a role in officer wellness, experiences of safety, and career sustainability. Here, we adapted measures of trust and sense of community (SOC) to explore police–community trust dynamics. Surveys were deployed among officers (N = 169) in nine police departments and residents of five counties of southern New Jersey (N = 285). Results indicate community members hold higher levels of both SOC and trust in police than do officers toward the community. SOC levels were significant predictors of trust in both samples. However, the models provided only a weak to moderate explanation for variation in trust. We discuss the implications of these results for police–community interactions.
Procedural justice is linked to several outcomes such as conformity. We examine whether the relationship between procedural justice and gang membership can be explained by how much youth believe gangs 
 Procedural justice is linked to several outcomes such as conformity. We examine whether the relationship between procedural justice and gang membership can be explained by how much youth believe gangs can protect them. Using data from the Gang Resistance Education and Training evaluation (G.R.E.A.T. II), we use path analysis to examine the effect of procedural justice on gang membership and the mediating role of the perceived protection of gangs. Our results indicate there is no direct effect of procedural justice on subsequent gang membership, but there are indirect effects through the perceived protection of gangs. These perceptions fully mediate the relationship between procedural justice and gang membership. Youth with lower procedural justice may not believe police can protect them and are more likely to join a gang for protection. As suggested by the literature on self-help, youth look to gangs for personal safety when law enforcement is unavailable.
Abstract The murder of George Floyd in 2020 catalyzed a national discussion about policing, including calls to #DefundthePolice that recently manifested in the 2024 national election as presidential candidates debated 
 Abstract The murder of George Floyd in 2020 catalyzed a national discussion about policing, including calls to #DefundthePolice that recently manifested in the 2024 national election as presidential candidates debated competing approaches to achieving public safety and police reform. The well‐documented “race gap” in views of the police was apparent in this discussion, whereas the views of another minoritized community with a long history of being subjected to police violence, the LGBTQ+ community, were imperceptible. This research examines LGBTQ+ people's support for police reform. Using data from a national probability survey, we find LGBTQ+ people express more support than non‐LGBTQ+ people do for three types of reform: defunding the police, reallocating police funds, and disbanding the police. For both LGBTQ+ and non‐LGBTQ+ people, the predicted probabilities for supporting reallocating police funds are higher than for defunding the police and disbanding the police. Within the LGBTQ+ population, the predicted probability for each type of reform is highest for nonbinary people, generally followed by those who are young, of color, and liberal. The findings related to the LGBTQ+ population are foundational to understanding how different segments of the LGBTQ+ community orient to police and prospects for reform.
This research examines the evolving complexities in the realm of police visibility with a focus on how frontline police officers experience and respond to the enhanced visibility that their body-worn 
 This research examines the evolving complexities in the realm of police visibility with a focus on how frontline police officers experience and respond to the enhanced visibility that their body-worn cameras facilitate. By adding a layer wherein officers can actively participate in shaping the visual narrative of their actions, body-worn cameras challenge and expand earlier frameworks of police visibility. Our findings highlight the double-edged nature of this distinct form of police visibility. On the one hand, body-worn cameras may empower officers by enabling a “responsive visibility” that allows them to react to and potentially challenge claims made through other visibility regimes. On the other hand, body-worn cameras can have disempowering effects, because they subject officers to enhanced scrutiny by supervisors, the courts and the general public. This dual nature of visibility underscores the complex interplay between visibility and power for police officers.
Abstract When Americans protest the police, how should the police treat the protesters? Police exert social control on behalf of the state and have been implicated in the maintenance of 
 Abstract When Americans protest the police, how should the police treat the protesters? Police exert social control on behalf of the state and have been implicated in the maintenance of inequalities, yet are also tasked with managing protests, even protests of the police. So, how do citizens feel about possible restrictions to their right to protest, a critical feature of a functional democracy? While the Black Lives Matter protests of 2020 were largely peaceful, some Americans supported the use of repressive “law and order” responses. Amid simultaneous movements for racial equality (Black Lives Matter) and gendered equality (#MeToo), an intersectional threat perspective encourages us to consider the potentially unique reactions of people who perceive simultaneous threats to multiple privileged identities. We theorize that support for aggressive policing approaches to racial justice protests acts as a synchronized performance of race and gender, enforcing the symbolic boundaries that undergird structural inequalities. Specifically, we suspect that perceived threats to male privilege will also be relevant to these views, at least among those who also perceived threats to white privilege. Using data from the 2020 American National Election Study survey—shortly after the mass protests of the spring and summer of that year—we find a conditional relationship for perceived gender threat, which appears relevant to views of policing the Black Lives Matter protests only among those who also perceive threats to white privilege. We discuss implications for understanding public comprehension of other social phenomena, particularly during multiple overlapping civil rights movements.
Madhurima Rana | Journal of Policing Intelligence and Counter Terrorism
Eve Darian‐Smith | Revista de Direito Econîmico e Socioambiental
The essay examines the increasing policing of universities and colleges and specifically the diminishing of faculty and students’ right to peacefully assemble and challenge oppressive governance. I argue that we 
 The essay examines the increasing policing of universities and colleges and specifically the diminishing of faculty and students’ right to peacefully assemble and challenge oppressive governance. I argue that we must understand the escalating presence of riot police on university grounds as part of a wider trend to prevent all forms of public protest. Thinking about policing students and scholars as constituting part of a global anti-protest trend is essential for several reasons. First, it avoids getting bogged down in detailed legal and constitutional debates about what constitutes academic freedom and what activities justify police intervention that may vary within and across national contexts. This helps overcome the state-centered approach that continues to dominate analyses of higher education and opens up new comparative and transnational perspectives and questions. Secondly, and more importantly, without considering the global context in which localized attacks on universities occur we will not fully comprehend why policing is escalating, nor develop strategies to resist far-right regimes that suppress scholars and wider societies’ ability to challenge rising authoritarianism.
ABSTRACT This study explores youth violence towards police officers in Australia through the Power Threat Meaning Framework (PTMF) to better understand the underlying factors contributing to such violence; focusing on 
 ABSTRACT This study explores youth violence towards police officers in Australia through the Power Threat Meaning Framework (PTMF) to better understand the underlying factors contributing to such violence; focusing on power dynamics, childhood adversity, and trauma. It examines power dynamics in past and present circumstances and the function of violent behaviours in these encounters. To do this, a content analysis was conducted using court findings and coroner reports of all Australian cases where a person aged 12–24 was found guilty of assaulting a police officer between 2010 and 2023, yielding 40 cases. Six key themes were examined: Power, Threat, Meaning, Exacerbating Factors, and Threat Responses and Functions of Threat Responses . The findings show that young people who assaulted police had substantial disempowerment across the life course, with disrupted attachments, childhood maltreatment, institutional mistrust, and social disadvantage. In the sample, violence predominantly functioned to reclaim a sense of control and power in situations when the young person was confined, unsafe, or disempowered. It is recommended that the pathway to safer interactions between youth and police requires awareness training and policy responses that understand the underlying factors and power imbalance that contribute to and exacerbate negative relations between police officers and young people.
| Princeton University Press eBooks
| Princeton University Press eBooks
Abstract New technologies allow unprecedented public visibility of routine police–civilian interactions, but we know little about how the public wants the police to behave during them. We examine public evaluations 
 Abstract New technologies allow unprecedented public visibility of routine police–civilian interactions, but we know little about how the public wants the police to behave during them. We examine public evaluations about preferred punishment and fair treatment using vignette experiments that randomize multiple features of police–civilian interactions. These causal estimates reveal that for the mass public, officer race does not affect public attitudes, while participant demeanor, markers of threat, and civilian race do. Police–civilian interactions are evaluated through a lens of reciprocity: Hostile officers are judged as less fair, while hostile and armed civilians are viewed as deserving of harsher punishment. When civilians remain polite and threat is low, there is little support for punitive outcomes, but poor civilian behavior warrants more punitive state action. Moreover, people prefer more punishment for White compared with Black civilians, as well as in interactions with White officers and civilians compared with those in which both parties are Black. Interactions with a White officer and a Black civilian are judged as less fair, as are the fairness of assigned punishments in them. Finally, views about fairness are not equivalent to views about appropriate sanctions. These results provide critical evidence about public attitudes regarding police punishment and fairness in order maintenance.
Police first-line leaders (sergeants/team leaders/supervisors) have significant impact on the workforce, as such there is the need for leaders to be effectively developed for their role and engage in ongoing 
 Police first-line leaders (sergeants/team leaders/supervisors) have significant impact on the workforce, as such there is the need for leaders to be effectively developed for their role and engage in ongoing learning. This paper focuses on the professional development of police first-line leaders. Comparing and contrasting approaches to knowledge, understanding and skills development within both the classrooms and workplaces across the policing jurisdictions of Australia, England and Wales. The paper explores the part education and training plays within leadership development, approaches to formal educational recognition and challenges which may affect the adoption of national and standardised approaches to leadership development.
The more criminology has flourished as an academic discipline, the more it has retreated from providing useful knowledge for governments. Management consultancies, lobby organizations and think tanks have quickly filled 
 The more criminology has flourished as an academic discipline, the more it has retreated from providing useful knowledge for governments. Management consultancies, lobby organizations and think tanks have quickly filled this gap. Debates about privatization focus on contracting out of police and prisons and rarely consider the influence and ‘insourcing’ of private know-how and private advisors, or their impact on criminal justice, counter-terrorism and security policy. Unlike NGOs and lobby groups for penal reform, think tanks are little studied, even though their political ideology, reliance on private funding and lack of transparency impact democratic politics and public accountability. We ask how and why think tanks became players in steering the futures of criminal justice and security, with what consequences and at what cost to the publicness of public policy.
Despite widespread debate on public safety policy, few studies explore diverse community members’ perspectives on safety and policing. This community-based participatory research study assessed perspectives on city spending, opinions about 
 Despite widespread debate on public safety policy, few studies explore diverse community members’ perspectives on safety and policing. This community-based participatory research study assessed perspectives on city spending, opinions about law enforcement policy, perspectives on police and safety, direct experiences with police, and perspectives on alternatives to policing in San JosĂ©, California, one of the ten largest cities in the United States. Between July 27, 2021 – January 14, 2022, we conducted an online survey, available in 7 languages, and obtained 1,595 responses. Respondents supported increased funding for community safety resources (73%) and helping residents meet basic needs (67%). A majority of respondents felt policing in San JosĂ© had serious problems, requiring major reform. Across a range of questions, sexual and gender minorities, younger people, African American/Black, Native American, Chicanx/Latinx/Hispanic respondents, and people with lower incomes had more negative attitudes towards and experiences with police compared to those who identify as men, heterosexual, older, White or Asian, or had higher incomes. There was strong support (72% − 82%) for four alternative-to-police policy proposals. As communities across the country grapple with how to achieve safety, especially for residents who are disproportionately harmed by police, community-based participatory research is a valuable tool for engaging, understanding, and mobilizing communities.